Okay
3: • Gailliot, M. T.; Baumeister, R. F.; Dewall, C. N.; Maner, J. K.; Plant, E. A.; Tice, D. M.; Brewer, B. J.; Schmeichel, Brandon J. (2007). "Self-control relies on glucose as a limited energy source: Willpower is more than a metaphor". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 92 (2): 325–336. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.92.2.325. PMID 17279852.
4: • Kurzban, R. (2010). "Does the brain consume additional glucose during self-control tasks?". Evolutionary psychology: an international journal of evolutionary approaches to psychology and behavior 8: 244.
5: • Hagger, M.S.; Chatzisarantis, N.L. (2013). "The Sweet Taste of Success The Presence of Glucose in the Oral Cavity Moderates the Depletion of Self-Control Resources". Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 39: 28–42. doi:10.1177/0146167212459912.
6: • Molden, D.C.; Hui, C.M.; Scholer, A.A.; Meier, B.P.; Noreen, E.E.; d'Agostino, P.R.; Martin, V. (2012). "Motivational versus metabolic effects of carbohydrates on self-control". Psychological Science 23 (10): 1137–1144. doi:10.1177/0956797612439069.
7: • Sanders, M.A.; Shirk, S.D.; Burgin, C.J.; Martin, L.L. (2012). "The Gargle Effect Rinsing the Mouth With Glucose Enhances Self-Control". Psychological Science 23 (12): 1470–1472. doi:10.1177/0956797612450034.
8: • Frank, G.K.; Oberndorfer, T.A.; Simmons, A.N.; Paulus, M.P.; Fudge, J.L.; Yang, T.T.; Kaye, W.H. (2008). "Sucrose activates human taste pathways differently from artificial sweetener". Neuroimage 39 (4): 1559–1569. doi:10.1016/j.neuroimage.2007.10.061
Some highlights from The Power of Habit: Why We Do What We Do in Life And Business by Charles Duhigg, a book which seems like an invaluable resource for pretty much everyone who wants to improve their lives. The below summarizes the first three chapters of the book, as well as the appendix, for I found those to be the most valuable and generally applicable parts. These chapters discuss individual habits, while the rest of the book discusses the habits of companies and individuals. The later chapters also contain plenty of interesting content (some excerpts: [1 2 3]), and help explain the nature of e.g. some institutional failures.
(See also two previous LW discussions on an online article by the author of the book.)
Chapter One: The Habit Loop - How Habits Work
When a rat first navigates a foreign environment, such as a maze, its brain is full of activity as it works to process the new environment and to learn all the environmental cues. As the environment becomes more familiar, the rat's brain becomes less and less active, until even brain structures related to memory quiet down a week later. Navigating the maze no longer requires higher processing: it has become an automatic habit.
The process of converting a complicated sequence of actions into an automatic routine is known as "chunking", and human brains carry out a similar process. They vary in complexity, from putting toothpaste on your toothbrush before putting it in your mouth, to getting dressed or preparing breakfast, to very complicated processes such as backing one's car out of the driveway. All of these actions initially required considerable effort to learn, but eventually they became so automatic as to be carried out without conscious attention. As soon as we identify the right cue, such as pulling out the car keys, our brain activates the stored habit and lets our conscious minds focus on something else. In order to conserve effort, the brain will attempt to turn almost any routine into a habit.
However, it can be dangerous to deactivate our brains at the wrong time, for there may be something unanticipated in the environment that will turn a previously-safe routine into something life-threatening. To help avoid such situations, our brains evaluate prospective habits using a three-stage habit loop:
Unused habits disappear very slowly, if at all. If a rat is trained to find cheese in a particular section of the maze, and the cheese is then moved to a different location, it will obtain a new habit. But once the cheese is moved back to its original location, the old habit re-emerges, almost as if it had been active for the whole time. This is part of the reason why it is so hard to start exercising regularly, or to change one's diet: the habit of relaxing in front of the TV, or snacking on a meal, will still be activated by the old cues and engage the behavioral pattern. On the other hand, if one does manage to establish a habit of ignoring the snacks or going out for a jog, it will eventually become as automatic as any other habit.
Habits are crucial for our ability to function. People with damage to the basal ganglia, the parts of the brain responsible for habitual behavior, often become mentally paralyzed. Even basic activities, such as opening a door or choosing what to eat, become difficult to perform, and they may need to pause to wonder whether they should tie their left or right foot first, or whether to brush their teeth before or after taking a shower.
Chapter Two: The Craving Brain - How to Create New Habits
A basic rule of marketing, based on the habit loop, is to attempt to identify a simple obvious cue, and then offer a clear reward from one's product. An early success was in the marketing of Pepsodent, where the marketer instructed people to run their tongue across their teeth and notice the existence of a "film" on the teeth. He then argued that by using his toothpaste, people could get rid of the film and obtain beautiful, clean teeth. (In reality, the "film" is a harmless membrane that builds up on teeth regardless of how often one eats or brushes their teeth.)
However, other toothpaste companies had tried similar marketing tactics before, without much success. Another part of Pepsodent's success was that it happened to contain citric acid, as well as other chemicals that act as mild irritants. Their effect is to create a cool, tingling sensation on the tongue and gums of people. This acted as the real reward for the habit - although the sensation itself only happened to occur by coincidence, people came to associate it with having brushed their teeth, and of having a clean mouth. It was when people began craving this reward that tooth brushing really became a habit. When other toothpaste companies realized what was going on, they all proceeded to add similar irritants to their products.
When a habit becomes sufficiently established in the brain, the cue no longer just activates the routine - it also makes us crave the reward that is associated with completing the routine. If the cue is present, but we can't engage in the routine or try to prevent ourselves from doing so, the craving will increase in strength until it becomes almost overpowering. Various cues - the sight of a pack of cigarettes, the smell of food, a computer or smartphone chiming to signify the arrival of a new message - can activate the anticipatory mechanism, and the craving to take a smoke, eat a bite, or check one's messages.
The same mechanisms can also be used to encourage good or healthy habits. One chooses a cue, such as going to the gym as soon as one wakes up, and a reward, such as smoothie after each workout. Then one thinks about the smoothie, or the endorphin rush that follows during the exercise. As one allows oneself to anticipate the reward, a craving will begin to ensue, which will make it easier to get oneself to the gym every day. (See also PJ Eby on this.)
Chapter Three: The Golden Rule of Habit Change - Why Transformation Occurs.
The Golden Rule of Habit Change is that one cannot extinguish a bad habit, only change it. One keeps the old cue and the old reward, but changes the routine. Almost any behavior can be changed if the cue and reward stay the same.
For example, alcoholics rarely crave the actual physical state of intoxication itself. Rather, people drink in order to obtain escape, relaxation, companionship, blunting of anxieties, or an opportunity for emotional release. Organizations such as Alcoholics Anonymous1 build a system of "sponsors" and group meetings, allowing a person in need of relief to talk with their sponsor or attend a group meeting. The cue, a need for relief, stays the same, as does the reward: getting relief. What changes is the behavior: instead of drinking, one obtains their relief by talking to others.
Habit reversal therapy is the formal version of this technique. In one example, Mandy, a 24-year-old graduate student had a compulsive need to bite her nails. The therapist asked Mandy to describe what she felt right before bringing her hand up to her mouth to bite her nails: Mandy described experiencing a feeling of tension. This was the cue for the habit. After some discussion, they established that Mandy bit her fingers when she was bored, and after she had worked through all of her nails, she felt a brief sense of completion. The physical stimulation acted as the reward.
[...]
For some habits, though, this is not enough. The alcoholics who replace their old behaviors with new ones may manage to stop drinking for a long while, until they run into some particularly stressful event in their lives. At this point, the stress becomes too much for many, who start drinking again. Not everyone does, however, and the difference seems to be in whether people are capable of genuinely believing that things will become better.
Appendix: A Reader's Guide to Using These Ideas
There isn't a single formula for changing habits, but rather thousands. Different people are driven by different cravings, and different habits require different approaches: stopping overeating is different from giving up cigarettes, which is different from how one communicates with their spouse. That said, the author attempts to provide a general framework for changing habits. It consists of four steps: Identify the routine, experiment with rewards, isolate the cue, have a plan.
The routine involved in the habit is usually the most obvious aspect. For example, maybe somebody always gets up from their desk at afternoon, walks to a cafeteria, buys a cookie, and eats it while chatting with friends. What exactly is the reward here? It could be the cookie itself, the change of scenery, the temporary distraction, the opportunity to socialize with colleagues, or the burst of energy that comes from the blast of sugar.
To identify the answer, one needs to experiment with rewards. On one day, instead of going out to a cafeteria, they might instead take a walk around the block. Another day, they might go to the cafeteria and buy an apple or chocolate bar and return to their desk without talking to anyone. On yet another day, they might walk to someone's desk to gossip for a few minutes and then return to work. When they do return to their desk, they should take a moment to quickly write down their thoughts or feelings - even just in the form of three random words in their head, like "relaxed", "saw flowers", "not hungry" - and then set a fifteen-minute alarm. If, after fifteen minutes, they still feel the craving, they know that whatever it was that they just did, it didn't give the desired reward. On the other hand, if they replaced the cafeteria visit by going to chat with a friend and the cafeteria craving vanished, then they've identified the reward as being a desire for temporary distraction and socialization.
Then there is the task of identifying the cue. Experiments have shown that almost all habitual cues fall into one of five categories:
So when one notices themselves engaging in a habit, they can write down the state of each of these variables. For example, here's one of the notes that the author made while trying to diagnose his own snacking habit:
After making such notes for three days, the pattern became clear: he got an urge to snack sometime between 3:00 and 4:00. The reward was temporary distraction, the kind that comes from gossiping with a friend.
Now he needed to have a plan for overriding the old habit with a new one, while maintaining the old cue and reward. So he wrote down the following:
Footnotes
1: How effective is the AA? The book admits that the effectiveness is hard to evaluate, but notes that An estimated 2.1 million people seek help from AA each year, and as many as 10 million alcoholics may have achieved sobriety through the group. AA doesn’t work for everyone— success rates are difficult to measure, because of participants’ anonymity— but millions credit the program with saving their lives. It also comments that although scientists have been critical of the AA's unscientific methodology in the past, increasing numbers of researchers have recently become interested in the organization as its methodology fits other findings about habit change.