It seems that specifying the delegates' informational situation creates a dilemma.
As you write above, we should take the delegates to think that Parliament's decision is a stochastic variable such that the probability of the Parliament taking action A is proportional to the fraction of votes for A, to avoid giving the majority bloc absolute power.
However, your suggestion generates its own problems (as long as we take the parliament to go with the option with the most votes):
Suppose an issue The Parliament votes on involves options A1, A2, ..., An and an additional option X. Suppose further that the great majority of theories in which the agent has credence agree that it is very important to perform one of A1, A2, ..., An rather than X. Although all these theories have a different favourite option, which of A1, A2, ..., An is performed makes little difference to them.
Now suppose that according to an additional hypothesis in which the agent has relatively little credence, it is best to perform X.
Because the delegates who favour A1, A2, ..., An do not know that what matters is getting the majority, they see no value in coordinating themselves and concentrating their votes on one or a few options to make sure X will not end up getting the most votes. Accordingly, they will all vote for different options. X may then end up being the option with most votes if the agent has slightly more credence in the hypothesis which favours X than in any other individual theory, despite the fact that the agent is almost sure that this option is grossly suboptimal.
This is clearly the wrong result.
It looks like this problem is assuming that Parliament uses plurality voting with more than 2 options. It seems like it shouldn't be a problem if all votes involve only 2 options (an up-or-down vote on a single bill). If we want the rules to allow votes between more than 2 options, it seems fixable by using a different voting system such as approval voting.
Thanks to ESrogs, Stefan_Schubert, and the Effective Altruism summit for the discussion that led to this post!
This post is to test out Polymath-style collaboration on LW. The problem we've chosen to try is formalizing and analyzing Bostrom and Ord's "Parliamentary Model" for dealing with moral uncertainty.
I'll first review the Parliamentary Model, then give some of Polymath's style suggestions, and finally suggest some directions that the conversation could take.
The Parliamentary Model
The Parliamentary Model is an under-specified method of dealing with moral uncertainty, proposed in 2009 by Nick Bostrom and Toby Ord. Reposting Nick's summary from Overcoming Bias:
In a comment, Bostrom continues:
It's an interesting idea, but clearly there are a lot of details to work out. Can we formally specify the kinds of negotiation that delegates can engage in? What about blackmail or prisoners' dilemmas between delegates? It what ways does this proposed method outperform other ways of dealing with moral uncertainty?
I was discussing this with ESRogs and Stefan_Schubert at the Effective Altruism summit, and we thought it might be fun to throw the question open to LessWrong. In particular, we thought it'd be a good test problem for a Polymath-project-style approach.
How to Polymath
The Polymath comment style suggestions are not so different from LW's, but numbers 5 and 6 are particularly important. In essence, they point out that the idea of a Polymath project is to split up the work into minimal chunks among participants, and to get most of the thinking to occur in comment threads. This is as opposed to a process in which one community member goes off for a week, meditates deeply on the problem, and produces a complete solution by themselves. Polymath rules 5 and 6 are instructive:
It seems to us as well that an important part of the Polymath style is to have fun together and to use the principle of charity liberally, so as to create a space in which people can safely be wrong, point out flaws, and build up a better picture together.
Our test project
If you're still reading, then I hope you're interested in giving this a try. The overall goal is to clarify and formalize the Parliamentary Model, and to analyze its strengths and weaknesses relative to other ways of dealing with moral uncertainty. Here are the three most promising questions we came up with:
The original OB post had a couple of comments that I thought were worth reproducing here, in case they spark discussion, so I've posted them.
Finally, if you have meta-level comments on the project as a whole instead of Polymath-style comments that aim to clarify or solve the problem, please reply in the meta-comments thread.