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I made a grab for some low-hanging knowledge on the counterfactual question by looking at the first couple of pages of a Google Scholar search for articles I could access which offered background on the topic. (I don't have the time or the interest to do anything like a real literature review, but I expect even a cursory Google Scholar search to be more reliable than a lone NewsBusters article.) Ignoring the books and paywalled Foreign Affairs articles I can't read, I got
Michael J. Mazarr's 1995 "Going Just a Little Nuclear: Nonproliferation Lessons from North Korea" in International Security
Larry A. Niksch's 2005 Congressional report "North Korea's Nuclear Weapons Program"
Stephen M. Walt's 2000 "Two Cheers for Clinton's Foreign Policy" in Foreign Affairs (accessible only because Walt mirrors it on his Harvard website)
Andrew Mack's "A Nuclear North Korea: The Choices Are Narrowing" in the summer 1994 issue of World Policy Journal
The 1999 "Review of United States Policy Toward North Korea: Findings and Recommendations", by a "North Korea policy review team, led by Dr William J. Perry"
I haven't perused these from start to finish, and even if I had I couldn't discuss them comprehensively in a blog comment. So I have to give a radically compressed (hence necessarily selective) digest of the bits I saw which shed light on the counterfactual question.
First, Mazarr's essay. It summarizes itself, but even the summary won't fit here, so I skip to its p. 104, where Mazarr referred to NK's "alleged one or two nuclear weapons" (fitting NBC's report that NK had a nuclear weapon), and quote a longer block from the same page:
Mazarr adds that, in practice, the US "always resorts" to the softer approach "in cases of hard-core proliferation", having "accepted ambiguous proliferation in India and Israel for many years", and likewise didn't pursue an all-out approach against India & Pakistan. Further along, on p. 110, in the section on sanctions:
The section on sanctions was generally pessimistic, though Mazarr granted that "the de facto sanction of existing trade restrictions" could help shape "a proliferant's motives" (p. 111), and that NK seemed to have an interest "in avoiding condemnation and sanctions as voted by the Security Council" (p. 112). Mazarr was even more doubtful that military action would "have offered a definitive answer to the North Korean nuclear challenge" because it could have "led directly to a Korean war" and "military strikes [...] probably would not work" anyway (p. 113).
Mazarr's essay was most optimistic about the kind of approach represented by Clinton's '94 agreement: "a broad-based policy of incentives built around the offer of a package deal" (p. 114). Even a rejected package deal "would have its uses" because it "would force North Korea to make a clear choice, deprive it of excuses, and seize the political high ground, firming up a political consensus (including China) for UN sanctions" (p. 117).
Niksch's report doesn't seem useful for the counterfactual question at issue, because the report is mainly about the (second) Bush administration's goals & actions. My skimming revealed a description of the US's obligations under the '94 Agreed Framework, but no substantial, explicit evaluation of alternatives to the Framework.
Walt's article is a general assessment of Clinton's foreign policy. From its paragraph about the 1994 NK deal, on pages 72-73:
Mack's essay reminds me of Mazarr's in its scepticism about sanctions (e.g. p. 32: "What all this suggests is that imposing sanctions will be far more problematic than their more naive proponents in the West realize"), and Mack was at least as negative as Mazarr about military action, writing on p. 33 that "[t]he idea of resolving the nuclear issue by 'taking out' the Yongbyon nuclear facilities suffers from three fatal defects". Those three, briefly: (1) "it is by definition impossible to hit unknown targets" potentially kept secret by a "paranoid" regime; (2) "'surgical strikes' against Yongbyon might not only fail to destroy all of the North's nuclear program, they would also unleash a very unsurgical war against the South"; and (3) "it would be politically impossible to pursue the military option until the less risky alternatives of persuasion and sanctions had [...] failed. But sanctions would likely take years to have the desired effect". Ultimately, Mack was not sure anything would work. From p. 35:
The 1999 Perry et al. review reads to me as broadly positive about the Agreed Framework, asserting on p.2 that it
The review team behind the report recommended on p. 6 that the Agreed Framework "be preserved and implemented" as one recommendation of six:
Insofar as these sources are accurate and I've understood and digested them properly, it's not only possible but likely that Clinton did about as well on this count as a different president could've. If so, then (even if NK didn't already have a nuclear weapon in '94) I'd think it unfair to assert that "Clinton let North Korea get nuclear weapons" as if there were an alternative decision Clinton could've taken to delay North Korea's first nuclear test for 13+ years.
(2/2)