This is a very good point. You make a compelling case that the use of careful statistics is not a recent trend in psychology. In that regard, my penultimate paragraph is clearly just deeply and irrecoverably wrong.
(And ultimately, I notice that your examples of recent discoveries are from biology, astronomy/physics, and math -- fields whose basic soundness has never been in doubt. But what non-trivial, correct, and useful insight has come from all these mathematized soft fields?)
Well, I was responding to Eliezer's claim about a general lack of a scientific process. So the specific question then becomes can one give examples of "non-trivial, correct, and useful" psychological results that have occurred in the last year or so. There's a steady output of decent psychology results. While the early work on cognitive biases was done in the 1980s by Kahneman and Tversky, a lot of work has occurred in the last decade after. But, I agree that the amount of output is slow enough that I can't point to easy, impressive studies that have occurred in the last few months off the top of my head like I can for other areas of research. Sharon Bertsch and Bryan Pesta's investigation of different explanations for negative correlation between IQ and religion came out in 2009 and 2010, which isn't even this year.
However, at the same time, I'm not sure that this is a strike against psychology. Psychology has a comparatively small field of study. Astronomy gets to investigate most of the universe. Math gets to investigate every interesting axiomatic system one can imagine. Biology gets to investigate millions of species. Psychology just gets to investigate one species, and only certain aspects of that species. When psychology does investigate other intelligent species it is often categorized as belonging to other areas. So we shouldn't be that surprised if psychology doesn't have as high a production rate. On the other hand, this argument isn't very good because one could make up for it by lumping all the classical soft sciences together into one area, and one would still have this problem. So overall, your point seems valid in regards to psychology.
In 2011, we've had such novel scientific discoveries as snails that can survive being eaten by birds, we've estimated the body temperature of dinosaurs
(...)
Sharon Bertsch and Bryan Pesta's investigation of different explanations for negative correlation between IQ and religion came out in 2009 and 2010, which isn't even this year.
Have these results been replicated? Are you sure they're correct? Merely citing cool-looking results isn't evidence that the scientific process is working.
Remember, "the scientific process not working" doesn't l...
Related to: Parapsychology: the control group for science, Dealing with the high quantity of scientific error in medicine
Some of you may remember past Less Wrong discussion of the Daryl Bem study, which claimed to show precognition, and was published with much controversy in a top psychology journal, JPSP. The editors and reviewers explained their decision by saying that the paper was clearly written and used standard experimental and statistical methods so that their disbelief in it (driven by physics, the failure to show psi in the past, etc) was not appropriate grounds for rejection.
Because of all the attention received by the paper (unlike similar claims published in parapsychology journals) it elicited a fair amount of both critical review and attempted replication. Critics pointed out that the hypotheses were selected and switched around 'on the fly' during Bem's experiments, with the effect sizes declining with sample size (a strong signal of data mining). More importantly, Richard Wiseman established a registry for advance announcement of new Bem replication attempts.
A replication registry guards against publication bias, and at least 5 attempts were registered. As far as I can tell, at the time of this post the subsequent replications have, unsurprisingly, failed to replicate Bem's results.1 However, JPSP and the other high-end psychology journals refused to publish the results, citing standing policies of not publishing straight replications.
From the journals' point of view, this (common) policy makes sense: bold new claims will tend to be cited more and raise journal status (which depends on citations per article), even though this means most of the 'discoveries' they publish will be false despite their p-values. However, this means that overall the journals are giving career incentives for scientists to massage and mine their data for bogus results, but not to challenge bogus results by others. Alas.
1 A purported "successful replication" by a pro-psi researcher in Vienna turns out to be nothing of the kind. Rather, it is a study conducted in 2006 and retitled to take advantage of the attention on Bem's article, selectively pulled from the file drawer.
ETA: The wikipedia article on Daryl Bem makes an unsourced claim that one of the registered studies has replicated Bem.
ETA2: Samuel Moulton, who formerly worked with Bem, mentions an unpublished (no further details) failed replication of Bem's results conducted before Bem submitted his article (the failed replication was not mentioned in the article).
ETA3: There is mention of a variety of attempted replications at this blog post, with 6 failed replications, and 1 successful replication from a pro-psi researcher (not available online). It is based on this ($) New Scientist article.
ETA4: This large study performs an almost straight replication of Bem (same methods, same statistical tests, etc) and finds the effect vanishes.
ETA5: Apparently, the mentioned replication was again submitted to the British Journal of Psychology: