Correlated decision making: a complete theory
The title of this post most probably deserves a cautious question mark at the end, but I'll go out on a limb and start sawing it behind me: I think I've got a framework that consistently solves correlated decision problems. That it is, those situation where different agents (a forgetful you at different times, your duplicates, or Omega’s prediction of you) will come to the same decision.
After my first post on the subject, Wei Dai asked whether my ideas could be formalised enough that it could applied mechanically. There were further challenges: introducing further positional information, and dealing with the difference between simulations and predictions. Since I claimed this sort of approach could apply to the Newcomb’s problem, it is also useful to see it work in cases were the two decisions are only partially correlated - where Omega is good, but he’s not perfect.
The theory
In standard decision making, it is easy to estimate your own contribution to your own utility; the contribution of others to your own utility is then estimated separately. In correlated decision-making, both steps are trickier; estimating your contribution is non-obvious, and the contribution from others is not independent. In fact, the question to ask is not "if I decide this, how much return will I make", but rather "in a world in which I decide this, how much return will I make".
You first estimate the contribution of each decision made to your own utility, using a simplified version of the CDP: if N correlated decisions are needed to gain some utility, then each decision maker is estimated to have contributed 1/N of the effort towards the gain of that utility.
Anthropic reasoning and correlated decision making
There seems to be some confusion on how to deal with correlated decision making - such as with absent-minded drivers and multiple copies of yourself; any situation in which many agents will allreach the same decision. Building on Nick Bostrom's division-of-responsibility principle mentioned in Outlawing Anthropics, I propose the following correlated decision principle:
CDP: If you are part of a group of N individuals whose decision is perfectly correlated, then you should reason as if you had a 1/N chance of being the dictator of the group (in which case your decision is applied to all) and a (N-1)/N chance of being a dictatee (in which case your decision is ignored).
What justification could there be to this principle? A simple thought experiment: imagine if you were one of N individuals who had to make a decision in secret. One of the decisions is opened at random, the others are discarded, and each person has his mind modified to believe that what was decided was in fact what they decided. This process is called a "dictator filter".
If you apply this dictator filter any situation S, then in "S + dictator filter", you should reason as in the CDP. If you apply it to perfectly correlated decision making, however, then the dictator filter changes nothing at all to anyone's decision - hence we should treat "perfectly correlated" as isomorphic to "perfectly correlated + dictator filter", which establishes the CDP.
Used alongside the SIA, this solves many puzzles on this blog, without needing advanced decision theory.
Avoiding doomsday: a "proof" of the self-indication assumption
The doomsday argument, in its simplest form, claims that since 2/3 of all humans will be in the final 2/3 of all humans, we should conclude it is more likely we are in the final two thirds of all humans who’ve ever lived, than in the first third. In our current state of quasi-exponential population growth, this would mean that we are likely very close to the final end of humanity. The argument gets somewhat more sophisticated than that, but that's it in a nutshell.
There are many immediate rebuttals that spring to mind - there is something about the doomsday argument that brings out the certainty in most people that it must be wrong. But nearly all those supposed rebuttals are erroneous (see Nick Bostrom's book Anthropic Bias: Observation Selection Effects in Science and Philosophy). Essentially the only consistent low-level rebuttal to the doomsday argument is to use the self indication assumption (SIA).
The non-intuitive form of SIA simply says that since you exist, it is more likely that your universe contains many observers, rather than few; the more intuitive formulation is that you should consider yourself as a random observer drawn from the space of possible observers (weighted according to the probability of that observer existing).
Even in that form, it may seem counter-intuitive; but I came up with a series of small steps leading from a generally accepted result straight to the SIA. This clinched the argument for me. The starting point is:
A - A hundred people are created in a hundred rooms. Room 1 has a red door (on the outside), the outsides of all other doors are blue. You wake up in a room, fully aware of these facts; what probability should you put on being inside a room with a blue door?
Here, the probability is certainly 99%. But now consider the situation:
Formalizing informal logic
As an exercise, I take a scrap of argumentation, expand it into a tree diagram (using FreeMind), and then formalize the argument (in Automath). This towards the goal of creating "rationality augmentation" software. In the short term, my suspicion is that such software would look like a group of existing tools glued together with human practices.
About my choice of tools: I investigated Araucaria, Rationale, Argumentative, and Carneades. With the exception of Rationale, they're not as polished graphically as FreeMind, and the rigid argumentation-theory structure was annoying in the early stages of analysis. Using a general-purpose mapping/outlining tool may not be ideal, but it's easy to obtain. The primary reason I used Automath to formalize the argument was because I'm somewhat familiar with it. Another reason is that it's easy to obtain and build (at least, on GNU/Linux).
Automath is an ancient and awesomely flexible proof checker. (Of course, other more modern proof-checkers are often just as flexible, maybe more flexible, and may be more useable.) The amount of "proof checking" done in this example is trivial - roughly, what the checker is checking is: "after assuming all of these bits and pieces of opaque human reasoning, do they form some sort of tree?" - but cutting down a powerful tool leaves a nice upgrade path, in case people start using exotic forms of logic. However, the argument checkers built into the various argumentation-theory tools do not have such upgrade paths, and so are not really credible as candidates to formalize the arguments on this site.
Saturation, Distillation, Improvisation: A Story About Procedural Knowledge And Cookies
Most propositional knowledge (knowledge of facts) is pretty easy to come by (at least in principle). There is only one capital of Venezuela, and if you wish to learn the capital of Venezuela, Wikipedia will cooperatively inform you that it is Caracas. For propositional knowledge that Wikipedia knoweth not, there is the scientific method. Procedural knowledge - the knowledge of how to do something - is a different animal entirely. This is true not only with regard to the question of whether Wikipedia will be helpful, but also in the brain architecture at work: anterograde amnesiacs can often pick up new procedural skills while remaining unable to learn new propositional information.
One complication in learning new procedures is that there are usually dozens, if not hundreds, of ways to do something. Little details - the sorts of things that sink into the subconscious with practice but are crucial to know for a beginner - are frequently omitted in casual descriptions. Often, it can be very difficult to break into a new procedurally-oriented field of knowledge because so much background information is required. While there may be acknowledged masters of the procedure, it is rarely the case that their methods are ideal for every situation and potential user, because the success of a procedure depends on a vast array of circumstantial factors.
I propose below a general strategy for acquiring new procedural knowledge. First, saturate by getting a diverse set of instructions from different sources. Then, distill by identifying what all or most of them have in common. Finally, improvise within the remaining search space to find something that works reliably for you and your circumstances.
The strategy is not fully general: I expect it would only work properly for procedures that are widely attempted and shared; that you can afford to try multiple times; that have at least partially independent steps so you can mix and match; and that are in fields you have at least a passing familiarity with. The sort of procedural knowledge that I seek with the most regularity is how to make new kinds of food, so I will illustrate my strategy with a description of how I used it to learn to make meringues. If you find cookies a dreadfully boring subject of discourse, you may not wish to read the rest of this post.
No Universal Probability Space
This afternoon I heard a news story about a middle eastern country where one person said of the defenses for a stockpile of nuclear weapons, "even if there is only a 1% probability of the defenses failing, we should do more to strengthen them given the consequences of their failure". I have nothing against this person's reasoning, but I do have an issue with where that 1% figure came from.
The statement above and others like it share a common problem: they are phrased such that it's unclear over what probability space the measure was taken. In fact, many journalist and other people don't seem especially concerned by this. Even some commenters on Less Wrong give little indication of the probability space over which they give a probability measure of an event, and nobody calls them on it. So what is this probability space they are giving probability measurements over?
If I'm in a generous mood, I might give the person presenting such a statement the benefit of the doubt and suppose they were unintentionally ambiguous. On the defenses of the nuclear weapon stockpile, the person might have meant to say "there is only a 1% probability of the defenses failing over all attacks", as in "in 1 attack out of every 100 we should expect the defenses to fail". But given both my experiences with how people treat probability and my knowledge of naive reasoning about probability, I am dubious of my own generosity. Rather, I suspect that many people act as though there were a universal probability space over which they may measure the probability of any event.
Verbal Overshadowing and The Art of Rationality
To begin, here are some Fun Psychology Facts:
People who were asked to describe a face after seeing it are worse at recognizing the same face later.
People who are asked to describe a wine after drinking it are worse at recognizing the same wine later.
People who are asked to give reasons for their preferences among a collection of jellies are worse at identifying their own preferences among those jellies.
This effect, known as Verbal Overshadowing, occurs primarily when a principally non-verbal process is disrupted by a task which involves verbalization. The above generalizations (and Verbal Overshadowing effects more generally), do not occur among what we can term "Verbal Experts": individuals who are as good at verbalizing the relevant process as they are at doing it implicitly or automatically. This seems like it will be very important to keep in mind when cultivating our own Rationality.
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