Even when contrarians win, they lose: Jeff Hawkins

13 endoself 08 April 2015 04:54AM

Related: Even When Contrarians Win, They Lose

I had long thought that Jeff Hawkins (and the Redwood Center, and Numentia) were pursuing an idea that didn't work, and were continuing to fail to give up for a prolonged period of time. I formed this belief because I had not heard of any impressive results or endorsements of their research. However, I recently read an interview with Andrew Ng, a leading machine learning researcher, in which he credits Jeff Hawkins with publicizing the "one learning algorithm" hypothesis - the idea that most of the cognitive work of the brain is done by one algorithm. Ng says that, as a young researcher, this pushed him into areas that could lead to general AI. He still believes that AGI is far though.

I found out about Hawkins' influence on Ng after reading an old SL4 post by Eliezer and looking for further information about Jeff Hawkins. It seems that the "one learning algorithm" hypothesis was widely known in neuroscience, but not within AI until Hawkins' work. Based on Eliezer's citation of Mountcastle and his known familiarity with cognitive science, it seems that he learned of this hypothesis independently of Hawkins. The "one learning algorithm" hypothesis is important in the context of intelligence explosion forecasting, since hard takeoff is vastly more likely if it is true. I have been told that further evidence for this hypothesis has been found recently, but I don't know the details.

This all fits well with Robin Hanson's model. Hawkins had good evidence that better machine learning should be possible, but the particular approaches that he took didn't perform as well as less biologically-inspired ones, so he's not really recognized today. Deep learning would definitely have happened without him; there were already many people working in the field, and they started to attract attention because of improved performance due to a few tricks and better hardware. At least Ng's career though can be credited to Hawkins.

I've been thinking about Robin's hypothesis a lot recently, since many researchers in AI are starting to think about the impacts of their work (most still only think about the near-term societal impacts rather than thinking about superintelligence though). They recognize that this shift towards thinking about societal impacts is recent, but they have no idea why it is occurring. They know that many people, such as Elon Musk, have been outspoken about AI safety in the media recently, but few have heard of Superintelligence, or attribute the recent change to FHI or MIRI.

Prediction Markets are Confounded - Implications for the feasibility of Futarchy

14 Anders_H 26 January 2015 10:39PM

(tl;dr:  In this post, I show that prediction markets estimate non-causal probabilities, and can therefore not be used for decision making by rational agents following causal decision theory.  I provide an example of a simple situation where such confounding leads to a society which has implemented futarchy making an incorrect decision)

 

It is October 2016, and the US Presidential Elections are nearing. The most powerful nation on earth is about to make a momentous decision about whether being the brother of a former president is a more impressive qualification than being the wife of a former president. However, one additional criterion has recently become relevant in light of current affairs:   Kim Jong-Un, Great Leader of the Glorious Nation of North Korea, is making noise about his deep hatred for Hillary Clinton. He also occasionally discusses the possibility of nuking a major US city. The US electorate, desperate to avoid being nuked, have come up with an ingenious plan: They set up a prediction market to determine whether electing Hillary will impact the probability of a nuclear attack. 

The following rules are stipulated:  There are four possible outcomes, either "Hillary elected and US Nuked", "Hillary elected and US not nuked", "Jeb elected and US nuked", "Jeb elected and US not nuked".   Participants in the market can buy and sell contracts for each of those outcomes,  the contract which correponds to the actual outcome will expire at $100, all other contracts will expire at $0

Simultaneously in a country far, far away,  a rebellion is brewing against the Great Leader.  The potential challenger not only appears not to have no problem with Hillary, he also seems like a reasonable guy who would be unlikely to use nuclear weapons. It is generally believed that the challenger will take power with probability 3/7; and will be exposed and tortured in a forced labor camp for the rest of his miserable life with probability 4/7.     Let us stipulate that this information is known to all participants  - I am adding this clause in order to demonstrate that this argument does not rely on unknown information or information asymmetry. 

A mysterious but trustworthy agent named "Laplace's Demon" has recently appeared, and informed everyone that, to a first approximation,  the world is currently in one of seven possible quantum states.  The Demon, being a perfect Bayesian reasoner with Solomonoff Priors, has determined that each of these states should be assigned probability 1/7.     Knowledge of which state we are in will perfectly predict the future, with one important exception:   It is possible for the US electorate to "Intervene" by changing whether Clinton or Bush is elected. This will then cause a ripple effect into all future events that depend on which candidate is elected President, but otherwise change nothing. 

The Demon swears up and down that the choice about whether Hillary or Jeb is elected has absolutely no impact in any of the seven possible quantum states. However, because the Prediction market has already been set up and there are powerful people with vested interests, it is decided to run the market anyways. 

 Roughly, the demon tells you that the world is in one of the following seven states:

 

State

Kim overthrown

Election winner (if no intervention)

US Nuked if Hillary elected

US Nuked if Jeb elected

US Nuked

1

No

Hillary

Yes

Yes

Yes

2

No

Hillary

No

No

No

3

No

Jeb

Yes

Yes

Yes

4

No

Jeb

No

No

No

5

Yes

Hillary

No

No

No

6

Yes

Jeb

No

No

No

7

Yes

Jeb

No

No

No


Let us use this table to define some probabilities:   If one intervenes to make Hillary win the election, the probability of the US being nuked is 2/7 (this is seen from column 4).  If one intervenes to make Jeb win the election, the probability of the US being nuked is 2/7 (this is seen from column 5).   In the language of causal inference, these probabilities are Pr (Nuked| Do (Elect Clinton)] and Pr[Nuked | Do(Elect Bush)].  The fact that these two quantities  are equal confirms the Demon’s claim that the choice of President has no effect on the outcome.  An agent operating under Causal Decision theory will use this information to correctly conclude that he has no preference about whether to elect Hillary or Jeb. 

However, if one were to condition on who actually was elected, we get different numbers:  Conditional on being in a state where Hillary is elected, the probability of the US being nuked is 1/3; whereas conditional on being in a state where Jeb is elected, the probability of being nuked is ¼.  Mathematically, these probabilities are Pr [Nuked | Clinton Elected] and Pr[Nuked | Bush Elected].  An agent operating under Evidentiary Decision theory will use this information to conclude that he will vote for Bush.  Because evidentiary decision theory is wrong, he will fail to optimize for the outcome he is interested in. 

Now, let us ask ourselves which probabilities our prediction markets will converge to, ie which probabilities participants in the market have an incentive to provide their best estimate of.  We defined our contract as "Hillary is elected and the US is nuked".  The probability of this occurring in 1/7;  if we normalize by dividing by the marginal probability that Hillary is elected, we get 1/3 which is equal to  Pr [Nuked | Clinton Elected].   In other words, the prediction market estimates the wrong quantities.

Essentially, what happens is structurally the same phenomenon as confounding in epidemiologic studies:  There was a common cause of Hillary being elected and the US being nuked.  This common cause - whether Kim Jong-Un was still Great Leader of North Korea - led to a correlation between the election of Hillary and the outcome, but that correlation is purely non-causal and not relevant to a rational decision maker. 

The obvious next question is whether there exists a way to save futarchy; ie any way to give traders an incentive to pay a price that reflects their beliefs about Pr (Nuked| Do (Elect Clinton)]  instead of Pr [Nuked | Clinton Elected]).    We discussed this question at the Less Wrong Meetup in Boston a couple of months ago. The only way we agreed will definitely solve the problem is the following procedure: 

 

  1. The governing body makes an absolute pre-commitment that no matter what happens, the next President will be determined solely on the basis of the prediction market 
  2. The following contracts are listed: “The US is nuked if Hillary is elected” and “The US is nuked if Jeb is elected”
  3. At the pre-specified date, the markets are closed and the President is chosen based on the estimated probabilities
  4. If Hillary is chosen,  the contract on Jeb cannot be settled, and all bets are reversed.  
  5. The Hillary contract is expired when it is known whether Kim Jong-Un presses the button. 

 

This procedure will get the correct results in theory, but it has the following practical problems:  It allows maximizing on only one outcome metric (because one cannot precommit to choose the President based on criteria that could potentially be inconsistent with each other).  Moreover, it requires the reversal of trades, which will be problematic if people who won money on the Jeb contract have withdrawn their winnings from the exchange. 

The only other option I can think of  in order to obtain causal information from a prediction market is to “control for confounding”.   If, for instance, the only confounder is whether Kim Jong-Un is overthrown, we can control for it by using Do-Calculus to show that Pr (Nuked| Do (Elect Clinton)] = Pr (Nuked| (Clinton elected,  Kim Overthrown)* Pr (Kim Overthrown) + Pr (Nuked| (Clinton elected,  Kim Not Overthrown)* Pr (Kim Not Overthrown).   All of these quantities can be estimated from separate prediction markets.  

 However, this is problematic for several reasons:

 

  1. There will be an exponential explosion in the number of required prediction markets, and each of them will ask participants to bet on complicated conditional probabilities that have no obvious causal interpretation. 
  2. There may be disagreement on what the confounders are, which will lead to contested contract interpretations.
  3. The expert consensus on what the important confounders are may change during the lifetime of the contract, which will require the entire thing to be relisted. Etc.    For practical reasons, therefore,  this approach does not seem feasible.

 

I’d like a discussion on the following questions:  Are there any other ways to list a contract that gives market participants an incentive to aggregate information on  causal quantities? If not, is futarchy doomed?

(Thanks to the Less Wrong meetup in Boston and particularly Jimrandomh for clarifying my thinking on this issue)

(I reserve the right to make substantial updates to this text in response to any feedback in the comments)

Logical uncertainty reading list

17 alex_zag_al 18 October 2014 07:16PM

This was originally part of a post I wrote on logical uncertainty, but it turned out to be post-sized itself, so I'm splitting it off.

Daniel Garber's article Old Evidence and Logical Omniscience in Bayesian Confirmation Theory. Wonderful framing of the problem--explains the relevance of logical uncertainty to the Bayesian theory of confirmation of hypotheses by evidence.

Articles on using logical uncertainty for Friendly AI theory: qmaurmann's Meditations on Löb’s theorem and probabilistic logic. Squark's Overcoming the Loebian obstacle using evidence logic. And Paul Christiano, Eliezer Yudkowsky, Paul Herreshoff, and Mihaly Barasz's Definibility of Truth in Probabilistic Logic. So8res's walkthrough of that paper, and qmaurmann's notes. eli_sennesh like just made a post on this: Logics for Mind-Building Should Have Computational Meaning.

Benja's post on using logical uncertainty for updateless decision theory.

cousin_it's Notes on logical priors from the MIRI workshop. Addresses a logical-uncertainty version of Counterfactual Mugging, but in the course of that has, well, notes on logical priors that are more general.

Reasoning with Limited Resources and Assigning Probabilities to Arithmetical Statements, by Haim Gaifman. Shows that you can give up on giving logically equivalent statements equal probabilities without much sacrifice of the elegance of your theory. Also, gives a beautifully written framing of the problem.

manfred's early post, and later sequence. Amazingly readable. The proposal gives up Gaifman's elegance, but actually goes as far as assigning probabilities to mathematical statements and using them, whereas Gaifman never follows through to solve an example afaik. The post or the sequence may be the quickest path to getting your hands dirty and trying this stuff out, though I don't think the proposal will end up being the right answer.

There's some literature on modeling a function as a stochastic process, which gives you probability distributions over its values. The information in these distributions comes from calculations of a few values of the function. One application is in optimizing a difficult-to-evaluate objective function: see Efficient Global Optimization of Expensive Black-Box Functions, by Donald R. Jones, Matthias Schonlau, and William J. Welch. Another is when you're doing simulations that have free parameters, and you want to make sure you try all the relevant combinations of parameter values: see Design and Analysis of Computer Experiments by Jerome Sacks, William J. Welch, Toby J. Mitchell, and Henry P. Wynn.

Maximize Worst Case Bayes Score, by Coscott, addresses the question: "Given a consistent but incomplete theory, how should one choose a random model of that theory?"

Bayesian Networks for Logical Reasoning by Jon Williamson. Looks interesting, but I can't summarize it because I don't understand it.

And, a big one that I'm still working through: Non-Omniscience, Probabilistic Inference, and Metamathematics, by Paul Christiano. Very thorough, goes all the way from trying to define coherent belief to trying to build usable algorithms for assigning probabilities.

Dealing With Logical Omniscience: Expressiveness and Pragmatics, by Joseph Y. Halpern and Riccardo Pucella.

Reasoning About Rational, But Not Logically Omniscient Agents, by Ho Ngoc Duc. Sorry about the paywall.

And then the references from Christiano's report:

Abram Demski. Logical prior probability. In Joscha Bach, Ben Goertzel, and Matthew Ikle, editors, AGI, volume 7716 of Lecture Notes in Computer Science, pages 50-59. Springer, 2012.

Marcus Hutter, John W. Lloyd, Kee Siong Ng, and William T. B. Uther. Probabilities on sentences in an expressive logic. CoRR, abs/1209.2620, 2012.

Bas R. Steunebrink and Jurgen Schmidhuber. A family of Godel machine implementations. In Jurgen Schmidhuber, Kristinn R. Thorisson, and Moshe Looks, editors, AGI, volume 6830 of Lecture Notes in Computer Science, pages 275{280. Springer, 2011.

If you have any more links, post them!

Or if you can contribute summaries.

A proof of Löb's theorem in Haskell

29 cousin_it 19 September 2014 01:01PM

I'm not sure if this post is very on-topic for LW, but we have many folks who understand Haskell and many folks who are interested in Löb's theorem (see e.g. Eliezer's picture proof), so I thought why not post it here? If no one likes it, I can always just move it to my own blog.

A few days ago I stumbled across a post by Dan Piponi, claiming to show a Haskell implementation of something similar to Löb's theorem. Unfortunately his code had a couple flaws. It was circular and relied on Haskell's laziness, and it used an assumption that doesn't actually hold in logic (see the second comment by Ashley Yakeley there). So I started to wonder, what would it take to code up an actual proof? Wikipedia spells out the steps very nicely, so it seemed to be just a matter of programming.

Well, it turned out to be harder than I thought.

One problem is that Haskell has no type-level lambdas, which are the most obvious way (by Curry-Howard) to represent formulas with propositional variables. These are very useful for proving stuff in general, and Löb's theorem uses them to build fixpoints by the diagonal lemma.

The other problem is that Haskell is Turing complete, which means it can't really be used for proof checking, because a non-terminating program can be viewed as the proof of any sentence. Several people have told me that Agda or Idris might be better choices in this regard. Ultimately I decided to use Haskell after all, because that way the post will be understandable to a wider audience. It's easy enough to convince yourself by looking at the code that it is in fact total, and transliterate it into a total language if needed. (That way you can also use the nice type-level lambdas and fixpoints, instead of just postulating one particular fixpoint as I did in Haskell.)

But the biggest problem for me was that the Web didn't seem to have any good explanations for the thing I wanted to do! At first it seems like modal proofs and Haskell-like languages should be a match made in heaven, but in reality it's full of subtle issues that no one has written down, as far as I know. So I'd like this post to serve as a reference, an example approach that avoids all difficulties and just works.

LW user lmm has helped me a lot with understanding the issues involved, and wrote a candidate implementation in Scala. The good folks on /r/haskell were also very helpful, especially Samuel Gélineau who suggested a nice partial implementation in Agda, which I then converted into the Haskell version below.

To play with it online, you can copy the whole bunch of code, then go to CompileOnline and paste it in the edit box on the left, replacing what's already there. Then click "Compile & Execute" in the top left. If it compiles without errors, that means everything is right with the world, so you can change something and try again. (I hate people who write about programming and don't make it easy to try out their code!) Here we go:

main = return ()
-- Assumptions
data Theorem a
logic1 = undefined :: Theorem (a -> b) -> Theorem a -> Theorem b logic2 = undefined :: Theorem (a -> b) -> Theorem (b -> c) -> Theorem (a -> c) logic3 = undefined :: Theorem (a -> b -> c) -> Theorem (a -> b) -> Theorem (a -> c)
data Provable a
rule1 = undefined :: Theorem a -> Theorem (Provable a) rule2 = undefined :: Theorem (Provable a -> Provable (Provable a)) rule3 = undefined :: Theorem (Provable (a -> b) -> Provable a -> Provable b)
data P
premise = undefined :: Theorem (Provable P -> P)
data Psi
psi1 = undefined :: Theorem (Psi -> (Provable Psi -> P)) psi2 = undefined :: Theorem ((Provable Psi -> P) -> Psi)
-- Proof
step3 :: Theorem (Psi -> Provable Psi -> P) step3 = psi1
step4 :: Theorem (Provable (Psi -> Provable Psi -> P)) step4 = rule1 step3
step5 :: Theorem (Provable Psi -> Provable (Provable Psi -> P)) step5 = logic1 rule3 step4
step6 :: Theorem (Provable (Provable Psi -> P) -> Provable (Provable Psi) -> Provable P) step6 = rule3
step7 :: Theorem (Provable Psi -> Provable (Provable Psi) -> Provable P) step7 = logic2 step5 step6
step8 :: Theorem (Provable Psi -> Provable (Provable Psi)) step8 = rule2
step9 :: Theorem (Provable Psi -> Provable P) step9 = logic3 step7 step8
step10 :: Theorem (Provable Psi -> P) step10 = logic2 step9 premise
step11 :: Theorem ((Provable Psi -> P) -> Psi) step11 = psi2
step12 :: Theorem Psi step12 = logic1 step11 step10
step13 :: Theorem (Provable Psi) step13 = rule1 step12
step14 :: Theorem P step14 = logic1 step10 step13
-- All the steps squished together
lemma :: Theorem (Provable Psi -> P) lemma = logic2 (logic3 (logic2 (logic1 rule3 (rule1 psi1)) rule3) rule2) premise
theorem :: Theorem P theorem = logic1 lemma (rule1 (logic1 psi2 lemma))

To make sense of the code, you should interpret the type constructor Theorem as the symbol ⊢ from the Wikipedia proof, and Provable as the symbol ☐. All the assumptions have value "undefined" because we don't care about their computational content, only their types. The assumptions logic1..3 give just enough propositional logic for the proof to work, while rule1..3 are direct translations of the three rules from Wikipedia. The assumptions psi1 and psi2 describe the specific fixpoint used in the proof, because adding general fixpoint machinery would make the code much more complicated. The types P and Psi, of course, correspond to sentences P and Ψ, and "premise" is the premise of the whole theorem, that is, ⊢(☐P→P). The conclusion ⊢P can be seen in the type of step14.

As for the "squished" version, I guess I wrote it just to satisfy my refactoring urge. I don't recommend anyone to try reading that, except maybe to marvel at the complexity :-)

EDIT: in addition to the previous Reddit thread, there's now a new Reddit thread about this post.

Should EA's be Superrational cooperators?

8 diegocaleiro 16 September 2014 09:41PM

Back in 2012 when visiting Leverage Research, I was amazed by the level of cooperation in daily situations I got from Mark. Mark wasn't just nice, or kind, or generous. Mark seemed to be playing a different game than everyone else.

If someone needed X, and Mark had X, he would provide X to them. This was true for lending, but also for giving away.

If there was a situation in which someone needed to direct attention to a particular topic, Mark would do it.

You get the picture. Faced with prisoner dilemmas, Mark would cooperate. Faced with tragedy of the commons, Mark would cooperate. Faced with non-egalitarian distributions of resources, time or luck (which are convoluted forms of the dictator game), Mark would rearrange resources without any indexical evaluation. The action would be the same, and the consequentialist one, regardless of which side of a dispute was the Mark side.

I never got over that impression. The impression that I could try to be as cooperative as my idealized fiction of Mark was.

In game theoretic terms, Mark was a Cooperational agent.

  1. Altruistic - MaxOther
  2. Cooperational - MaxSum
  3. Individualist - MaxOwn
  4. Equalitarian - MinDiff
  5. Competitive - MaxDiff
  6. Aggressive - MinOther

Under these definitions of kinds of agents used in research on game theoretical scenarios, what we call Effective Altruism would be called Effective Cooperation. The reason why we call it "altruism" is because even the most parochial EA's care about a set containing a minimum of 7 billion minds, where to a first approximation MaxSum ≈ MaxOther.

Locally however the distinction makes sense. In biology Altruism usually refers to a third concept, different from both the "A" in EA, and Alt, it means acting in such a way that Other>Own without reference to maximizing or minimizing, since evolution designs adaptation executors, not maximizers.

A globally Cooperational agent acts as a consequentialist globally. So does an Alt agent.

The question then is,

How should a consequentialist act locally?

The mathematical response is obviously as a Coo. What real people do is a mix of Coo and Ind.

My suggestion is that we use our undesirable yet unavoidable moral tribe distinction instinct, the one that separates Us from Them, and act always as Coos with Effective Altruists and mix Coo and Ind only with non EAs. That is what Mark did.

 

Unpopular ideas attract poor advocates: Be charitable

30 [deleted] 15 September 2014 07:30PM

Unfamiliar or unpopular ideas will tend to reach you via proponents who:

  •  ...hold extreme interpretations of these ideas.
  • ...have unpleasant social characteristics.
  • ...generally come across as cranks.

The basic idea: It's unpleasant to promote ideas that result in social sanction, and frustrating when your ideas are met with indifference. Both situations are more likely when talking to an ideological out-group. Given a range of positions on an in-group belief, who will decide to promote the belief to outsiders? On average, it will be those who believe the benefits of the idea are large relative to in-group opinion (extremists), those who view the social costs as small (disagreeable people), and those who are dispositionally drawn to promoting weird ideas (cranks).

I don't want to push this pattern too far. This isn't a refutation of any particular idea. There are reasonable people in the world, and some of them even express their opinions in public, (in spite of being reasonable). And sometimes the truth will be unavoidably unfamiliar and unpopular, etc. But there are also...

Some benefits that stem from recognizing these selection effects:

  • It's easier to be charitable to controversial ideas, when you recognize that you're interacting with people who are terribly suited to persuade you. I'm not sure "steelmanning" is the best idea (trying to present the best argument for an opponent's position). Based on the extremity effect, another technique is to construct a much diluted version of the belief, and then try to steelman the diluted belief.
  • If your group holds fringe or unpopular ideas, you can avoid these patterns when you want to influence outsiders.
  • If you want to learn about an afflicted issue, you might ignore the public representatives and speak to the non-evangelical instead (you'll probably have to start the conversation).
  • You can resist certain polarizing situations, in which the most visible camps hold extreme and opposing views. This situation worsens when those with non-extreme views judge the risk of participation as excessive, and leave the debate to the extremists (who are willing to take substantial risks for their beliefs). This leads to the perception that the current camps represent the only valid positions, which creates a polarizing loop. Because this is a sort of coordination failure among non-extremists, knowing to covertly look for other non-vocal moderates is a first step toward a solution. (Note: Sometimes there really aren't any moderates.)
  • Related to the previous point: You can avoid exaggerating the ideological unity of a group based on the group's leadership, or believing that the entire group has some obnoxious trait present in the leadership. (Note: In things like elections and war, the views of the leadership are what you care about. But you still don't want to be confused about other group members.)

 

I think the first benefit listed is the most useful.

To sum up: An unpopular idea will tend to get poor representation for social reasons, which will makes it seem like a worse idea than it really is, even granting that many unpopular ideas are unpopular for good reason. So when you encounter a idea that seem unpopular, you're probably hearing about it from a sub-optimal source, and you should try to be charitable towards the idea before dismissing it.

Six Plausible Meta-Ethical Alternatives

34 Wei_Dai 06 August 2014 12:04AM

In this post, I list six metaethical possibilities that I think are plausible, along with some arguments or plausible stories about how/why they might be true, where that's not obvious. A lot of people seem fairly certain in their metaethical views, but I'm not and I want to convey my uncertainty as well as some of the reasons for it.

  1. Most intelligent beings in the multiverse share similar preferences. This came about because there are facts about what preferences one should have, just like there exist facts about what decision theory one should use or what prior one should have, and species that manage to build intergalactic civilizations (or the equivalent in other universes) tend to discover all of these facts. There are occasional paperclip maximizers that arise, but they are a relatively minor presence or tend to be taken over by more sophisticated minds.
  2. Facts about what everyone should value exist, and most intelligent beings have a part of their mind that can discover moral facts and find them motivating, but those parts don't have full control over their actions. These beings eventually build or become rational agents with values that represent compromises between different parts of their minds, so most intelligent beings end up having shared moral values along with idiosyncratic values.
  3. There aren't facts about what everyone should value, but there are facts about how to translate non-preferences (e.g., emotions, drives, fuzzy moral intuitions, circular preferences, non-consequentialist values, etc.) into preferences. These facts may include, for example, what is the right way to deal with ontological crises. The existence of such facts seems plausible because if there were facts about what is rational (which seems likely) but no facts about how to become rational, that would seem like a strange state of affairs.
  4. None of the above facts exist, so the only way to become or build a rational agent is to just think about what preferences you want your future self or your agent to hold, until you make up your mind in some way that depends on your psychology. But at least this process of reflection is convergent at the individual level so each person can reasonably call the preferences that they endorse after reaching reflective equilibrium their morality or real values.
  5. None of the above facts exist, and reflecting on what one wants turns out to be a divergent process (e.g., it's highly sensitive to initial conditions, like whether or not you drank a cup of coffee before you started, or to the order in which you happen to encounter philosophical arguments). There are still facts about rationality, so at least agents that are already rational can call their utility functions (or the equivalent of utility functions in whatever decision theory ends up being the right one) their real values.
  6. There aren't any normative facts at all, including facts about what is rational. For example, it turns out there is no one decision theory that does better than every other decision theory in every situation, and there is no obvious or widely-agreed-upon way to determine which one "wins" overall.

(Note that for the purposes of this post, I'm concentrating on morality in the axiological sense (what one should value) rather than in the sense of cooperation and compromise. So alternative 1, for example, is not intended to include the possibility that most intelligent beings end up merging their preferences through some kind of grand acausal bargain.)

It may be useful to classify these possibilities using labels from academic philosophy. Here's my attempt: 1. realist + internalist 2. realist + externalist 3. relativist 4. subjectivist 5. moral anti-realist 6. normative anti-realist. (A lot of debates in metaethics concern the meaning of ordinary moral language, for example whether they refer to facts or merely express attitudes. I mostly ignore such debates in the above list, because it's not clear what implications they have for the questions that I care about.)

One question LWers may have is, where does Eliezer's metathics fall into this schema? Eliezer says that there are moral facts about what values every intelligence in the multiverse should have, but only humans are likely to discover these facts and be motivated by them. To me, Eliezer's use of language is counterintuitive, and since it seems plausible that there are facts about what everyone should value (or how each person should translate their non-preferences into preferences) that most intelligent beings can discover and be at least somewhat motivated by, I'm reserving the phrase "moral facts" for these. In my language, I think 3 or maybe 4 is probably closest to Eliezer's position.

Roles are Martial Arts for Agency

140 Eneasz 08 August 2014 03:53AM

A long time ago I thought that Martial Arts simply taught you how to fight – the right way to throw a punch, the best technique for blocking and countering an attack, etc. I thought training consisted of recognizing these attacks and choosing the correct responses more quickly, as well as simply faster/stronger physical execution of same. It was later that I learned that the entire purpose of martial arts is to train your body to react with minimal conscious deliberation, to remove “you” from the equation as much as possible.

The reason is of course that conscious thought is too slow. If you have to think about what you’re doing, you’ve already lost. It’s been said that if you had to think about walking to do it, you’d never make it across the room. Fighting is no different. (It isn’t just fighting either – anything that requires quick reaction suffers when exposed to conscious thought. I used to love Rock Band. One day when playing a particularly difficult guitar solo on expert I nailed 100%… except “I” didn’t do it at all. My eyes saw the notes, my hands executed them, and no where was I involved in the process. It was both exhilarating and creepy, and I basically dropped the game soon after.)

You’ve seen how long it takes a human to learn to walk effortlessly. That's a situation with a single constant force, an unmoving surface, no agents working against you, and minimal emotional agitation. No wonder it takes hundreds of hours, repeating the same basic movements over and over again, to attain even a basic level of martial mastery. To make your body react correctly without any thinking involved. When Neo says “I Know Kung Fu” he isn’t surprised that he now has knowledge he didn’t have before. He’s amazed that his body now reacts in the optimal manner when attacked without his involvement.

All of this is simply focusing on pure reaction time – it doesn’t even take into account the emotional terror of another human seeking to do violence to you. It doesn’t capture the indecision of how to respond, the paralysis of having to choose between outcomes which are all awful and you don’t know which will be worse, and the surge of hormones. The training of your body to respond without your involvement bypasses all of those obstacles as well.

This is the true strength of Martial Arts – eliminating your slow, conscious deliberation and acting while there is still time to do so.

Roles are the Martial Arts of Agency.

When one is well-trained in a certain Role, one defaults to certain prescribed actions immediately and confidently. I’ve acted as a guy standing around watching people faint in an overcrowded room, and I’ve acted as the guy telling people to clear the area. The difference was in one I had the role of Corporate Pleb, and the other I had the role of Guy Responsible For This Shit. You know the difference between the guy at the bar who breaks up a fight, and the guy who stands back and watches it happen? The former thinks of himself as the guy who stops fights. They could even be the same guy, on different nights. The role itself creates the actions, and it creates them as an immediate reflex. By the time corporate-me is done thinking “Huh, what’s this? Oh, this looks bad. Someone fainted? Wow, never seen that before. Damn, hope they’re OK. I should call 911.” enforcer-me has already yelled for the room to clear and whipped out a phone.

Roles are the difference between Hufflepuffs gawking when Neville tumbles off his broom (Protected), and Harry screaming “Wingardium Leviosa” (Protector). Draco insulted them afterwards, but it wasn’t a fair insult – they never had the slightest chance to react in time, given the role they were in. Roles are the difference between Minerva ordering Hagrid to stay with the children while she forms troll-hunting parties (Protector), and Harry standing around doing nothing while time slowly ticks away (Protected). Eventually he switched roles. But it took Agency to do so. It took time.

Agency is awesome. Half this site is devoted to becoming better at Agency. But Agency is slow. Roles allow real-time action under stress.

Agency has a place of course. Agency is what causes us to decide that Martial Arts training is important, that has us choose a Martial Art, and then continue to train month after month. Agency is what lets us decide which Roles we want to play, and practice the psychology and execution of those roles. But when the time for action is at hand, Agency is too slow. Ensure that you have trained enough for the next challenge, because it is the training that will see you through it, not your agenty conscious thinking.

 

As an aside, most major failures I’ve seen recently are when everyone assumed that someone else had the role of Guy In Charge If Shit Goes Down. I suggest that, in any gathering of rationalists, they begin the meeting by choosing one person to be Dictator In Extremis should something break. Doesn’t have to be the same person as whoever is leading. Would be best if it was someone comfortable in the role and/or with experience in it. But really there just needs to be one. Anyone.

cross-posted from my blog

Why the tails come apart

114 Thrasymachus 01 August 2014 10:41PM

[I'm unsure how much this rehashes things 'everyone knows already' - if old hat, feel free to downvote into oblivion. My other motivation for the cross-post is the hope it might catch the interest of someone with a stronger mathematical background who could make this line of argument more robust]

[Edit 2014/11/14: mainly adjustments and rewording in light of the many helpful comments below (thanks!). I've also added a geometric explanation.]

Many outcomes of interest have pretty good predictors. It seems that height correlates to performance in basketball (the average height in the NBA is around 6'7"). Faster serves in tennis improve one's likelihood of winning. IQ scores are known to predict a slew of factors, from income, to chance of being imprisoned, to lifespan.

What's interesting is what happens to these relationships 'out on the tail': extreme outliers of a given predictor are seldom similarly extreme outliers on the outcome it predicts, and vice versa. Although 6'7" is very tall, it lies within a couple of standard deviations of the median US adult male height - there are many thousands of US men taller than the average NBA player, yet are not in the NBA. Although elite tennis players have very fast serves, if you look at the players serving the fastest serves ever recorded, they aren't the very best players of their time. It is harder to look at the IQ case due to test ceilings, but again there seems to be some divergence near the top: the very highest earners tend to be very smart, but their intelligence is not in step with their income (their cognitive ability is around +3 to +4 SD above the mean, yet their wealth is much higher than this) (1).

The trend seems to be that even when two factors are correlated, their tails diverge: the fastest servers are good tennis players, but not the very best (and the very best players serve fast, but not the very fastest); the very richest tend to be smart, but not the very smartest (and vice versa). Why?

Too much of a good thing?

One candidate explanation would be that more isn't always better, and the correlations one gets looking at the whole population doesn't capture a reversal at the right tail. Maybe being taller at basketball is good up to a point, but being really tall leads to greater costs in terms of things like agility. Maybe although having a faster serve is better all things being equal, but focusing too heavily on one's serve counterproductively neglects other areas of one's game. Maybe a high IQ is good for earning money, but a stratospherically high IQ has an increased risk of productivity-reducing mental illness. Or something along those lines.

I would guess that these sorts of 'hidden trade-offs' are common. But, the 'divergence of tails' seems pretty ubiquitous (the tallest aren't the heaviest, the smartest parents don't have the smartest children, the fastest runners aren't the best footballers, etc. etc.), and it would be weird if there was always a 'too much of a good thing' story to be told for all of these associations. I think there is a more general explanation.

The simple graphical explanation

[Inspired by this essay from Grady Towers]

Suppose you make a scatter plot of two correlated variables. Here's one I grabbed off google, comparing the speed of a ball out of a baseball pitchers hand compared to its speed crossing crossing the plate:

It is unsurprising to see these are correlated (I'd guess the R-square is > 0.8). But if one looks at the extreme end of the graph, the very fastest balls out of the hand aren't the very fastest balls crossing the plate, and vice versa. This feature is general. Look at this data (again convenience sampled from googling 'scatter plot') of this:

Or this:

Or this:

Given a correlation, the envelope of the distribution should form some sort of ellipse, narrower as the correlation goes stronger, and more circular as it gets weaker: (2)

The thing is, as one approaches the far corners of this ellipse, we see 'divergence of the tails': as the ellipse doesn't sharpen to a point, there are bulges where the maximum x and y values lie with sub-maximal y and x values respectively:

So this offers an explanation why divergence at the tails is ubiquitous. Providing the sample size is largeish, and the correlation not too tight (the tighter the correlation, the larger the sample size required), one will observe the ellipses with the bulging sides of the distribution. (3)

Hence the very best basketball players aren't the very tallest (and vice versa), the very wealthiest not the very smartest, and so on and so forth for any correlated X and Y. If X and Y are "Estimated effect size" and "Actual effect size", or "Performance at T", and "Performance at T+n", then you have a graphical display of winner's curse and regression to the mean.

An intuitive explanation of the graphical explanation

It would be nice to have an intuitive handle on why this happens, even if we can be convinced that it happens. Here's my offer towards an explanation:

The fact that a correlation is less than 1 implies that other things matter to an outcome of interest. Although being tall matters for being good at basketball, strength, agility, hand-eye-coordination matter as well (to name but a few). The same applies to other outcomes where multiple factors play a role: being smart helps in getting rich, but so does being hard working, being lucky, and so on.

For a toy model, pretend that wealth is wholly explained by two factors: intelligence and conscientiousness. Let's also say these are equally important to the outcome, independent of one another and are normally distributed. (4) So, ceteris paribus, being more intelligent will make one richer, and the toy model stipulates there aren't 'hidden trade-offs': there's no negative correlation between intelligence and conscientiousness, even at the extremes. Yet the graphical explanation suggests we should still see divergence of the tails: the very smartest shouldn't be the very richest.

The intuitive explanation would go like this: start at the extreme tail - +4SD above the mean for intelligence, say. Although this gives them a massive boost to their wealth, we'd expect them to be average with respect to conscientiousness (we've stipulated they're independent). Further, as this ultra-smart population is small, we'd expect them to fall close to the average in this other independent factor: with 10 people at +4SD, you wouldn't expect any of them to be +2SD in conscientiousness.

Move down the tail to less extremely smart people - +3SD say. These people don't get such a boost to their wealth from their intelligence, but there should be a lot more of them (if 10 at +4SD, around 500 at +3SD), this means one should expect more variation in conscientiousness - it is much less surprising to find someone +3SD in intelligence and also +2SD in conscientiousness, and in the world where these things were equally important, they would 'beat' someone +4SD in intelligence but average in conscientiousness. Although a +4SD intelligence person will likely be better than a given +3SD intelligence person (the mean conscientiousness in both populations is 0SD, and so the average wealth of the +4SD intelligence population is 1SD higher than the 3SD intelligence people), the wealthiest of the +4SDs will not be as good as the best of the much larger number of +3SDs. The same sort of story emerges when we look at larger numbers of factors, and in cases where the factors contribute unequally to the outcome of interest.

When looking at a factor known to be predictive of an outcome, the largest outcome values will occur with sub-maximal factor values, as the larger population increases the chances of 'getting lucky' with the other factors:

So that's why the tails diverge.

 

A parallel geometric explanation

There's also a geometric explanation. The R-square measure of correlation between two sets of data is the same as the cosine of the angle between them when presented as vectors in N-dimensional space (explanations, derivations, and elaborations here, here, and here). (5) So here's another intuitive handle for tail divergence:

Grant a factor correlated with an outcome, which we represent with two vectors at an angle theta, the inverse cosine equal the R-squared. 'Reading off the expected outcome given a factor score is just moving along the factor vector and multiplying by cosine theta to get the distance along the outcome vector. As cos theta is never greater than 1, we see regression to the mean. The geometrical analogue to the tails coming apart is the absolute difference in length along factor versus length along outcome|factor scales with the length along the factor; the gap between extreme values of a factor and the less extreme values of the outcome grows linearly as the factor value gets more extreme. For concreteness (and granting normality), an R-square of 0.5 (corresponding to an angle of sixty degrees) means that +4SD (~1/15000) on a factor will be expected to be 'merely' +2SD (~1/40) in the outcome - and an R-square of 0.5 is remarkably strong in the social sciences, implying it accounts for half the variance.(6) The reverse - extreme outliers on outcome are not expected to be so extreme an outlier on a given contributing factor - follows by symmetry.

 

Endnote: EA relevance

I think this is interesting in and of itself, but it has relevance to Effective Altruism, given it generally focuses on the right tail of various things (What are the most effective charities? What is the best career? etc.) It generally vindicates worries about regression to the mean or winner's curse, and suggests that these will be pretty insoluble in all cases where the populations are large: even if you have really good means of assessing the best charities or the best careers so that your assessments correlate really strongly with what ones actually are the best, the very best ones you identify are unlikely to be actually the very best, as the tails will diverge.

This probably has limited practical relevance. Although you might expect that one of the 'not estimated as the very best' charities is in fact better than your estimated-to-be-best charity, you don't know which one, and your best bet remains your estimate (in the same way - at least in the toy model above - you should bet a 6'11" person is better at basketball than someone who is 6'4".)

There may be spread betting or portfolio scenarios where this factor comes into play - perhaps instead of funding AMF to diminishing returns when its marginal effectiveness dips below charity #2, we should be willing to spread funds sooner.(6) Mainly, though, it should lead us to be less self-confident.


1. Given income isn't normally distributed, using SDs might be misleading. But non-parametric ranking to get a similar picture: if Bill Gates is ~+4SD in intelligence, despite being the richest man in america, he is 'merely' in the smartest tens of thousands. Looking the other way, one might look at the generally modest achievements of people in high-IQ societies, but there are worries about adverse selection.

2. As nshepperd notes below, this depends on something like multivariate CLT. I'm pretty sure this can be weakened: all that is needed, by the lights of my graphical intuition, is that the envelope be concave. It is also worth clarifying the 'envelope' is only meant to illustrate the shape of the distribution, rather than some boundary that contains the entire probability density: as suggested by homunq: it is an 'pdf isobar' where probability density is higher inside the line than outside it. 

3. One needs a large enough sample to 'fill in' the elliptical population density envelope, and the tighter the correlation, the larger the sample needed to fill in the sub-maximal bulges. The old faithful case is an example where actually you do get a 'point', although it is likely an outlier.

 

4. It's clear that this model is fairly easy to extend to >2 factor cases, but it is worth noting that in cases where the factors are positively correlated, one would need to take whatever component of the factors which are independent of one another.

5. My intuition is that in cartesian coordinates the R-square between correlated X and Y is actually also the cosine of the angle between the regression lines of X on Y and Y on X. But I can't see an obvious derivation, and I'm too lazy to demonstrate it myself. Sorry!

6. Another intuitive dividend is that this makes it clear why you can by R-squared to move between z-scores of correlated normal variables, which wasn't straightforwardly obvious to me.

7. I'd intuit, but again I can't demonstrate, the case for this becomes stronger with highly skewed interventions where almost all the impact is focused in relatively low probability channels, like averting a very specified existential risk.

Too good to be true

24 PhilGoetz 11 July 2014 08:16PM

A friend recently posted a link on his Facebook page to an informational graphic about the alleged link between the MMR vaccine and autism. It said, if I recall correctly, that out of 60 studies on the matter, not one had indicated a link.

Presumably, with 95% confidence.

This bothered me. What are the odds, supposing there is no link between X and Y, of conducting 60 studies of the matter, and of all 60 concluding, with 95% confidence, that there is no link between X and Y?

Answer: .95 ^ 60 = .046. (Use the first term of the binomial distribution.)

So if it were in fact true that 60 out of 60 studies failed to find a link between vaccines and autism at 95% confidence, this would prove, with 95% confidence, that studies in the literature are biased against finding a link between vaccines and autism.

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