Ok, thats mostly what I've heard before. I'm skeptical because:
I just thought through the causal graphs involved, there's probably enough bandwidth through vision into reliably redundant behavior to do this
Elaborate.
This isn't my area of expertise, but I think I have a sketch for a very simple weak proof:
The conjecture states that V runtime and length are polynomial in C size, but leaves the constant open. Therefore a counterexample would have to be an infinite family of circuits satisfying P(C), with their corresponding growing faster than polynomial. To prove the existence of such a counterexample, you would need a proof that each member of the family satisfies P(C). But that proof has finite length, and can be used as the for any member of the family with minor modification. Therefore there can never be a proven counterexample.
Or am I misunderstanding something?
I think the solution to this is to add something to your wealth to account for inalienable human capital, and count costs only by how much you will actually be forced to pay. This is a good idea in general; else most people with student loans or a mortage are "in the red", and couldnt use this at all.
What are real numbers then? On the standard account, real numbers are equivalence classes of sequences of rationals, the finite diagonals being one such sequence. I mean, "Real numbers don't exist" is one way to avoid the diagonal argument, but I don't thinks that's what cubefox is going for.
The society’s stance towards crime- preventing it via the threat of punishment- is not what would work on smarter people
This is one of two claims here that I'm not convinced by. Informal disproof: If you are a smart individual in todays society, you shouldn't ignore threats of punishment, because it is in the states interest to follow through anyway, pour encourager les autres. If crime prevention is in peoples interest, intelligence monotonicity implies that a smart population should be able to make punishment work at least this well. Now I don't trust intelligence monotonicity, but I don't trust it's negation either.
The second one is:
You can already foresee the part where you're going to be asked to play this game for longer, until fewer offers get rejected, as people learn to converge on a shared idea of what is fair.
Should you update your idea of fairness if you get rejected often? It's not clear to me that that doesn't make you exploitable again. And I think this is very important to your claim about not burning utility: In the case of the ultimatum game, Eliezers strategy burns very little over a reasonable-seeming range of fairness ideals, but in the complex, high-dimensional action spaces of the real world, it could easily be almost as bad as never giving in, if there's no updating.
Maybe I'm missing something, but it seems to me that all of this is straightforwardly justified through simple selfish pareto-improvements.
Take a look at Critchs cake-splitting example in section 3.5. Now imagine varying the utility of splitting. How high does it need to get, before [red->Alice;green->Bob] is no longer a pareto improvement over [(split)] from both player's selfish perspective before the observation? It's 27, and thats also exactly where the decision flips when weighing Alice 0.9 and Bob 0.1 in red, and Alice 0.1 and Bob 0.9 in green.
Intuitively, I would say that the reason you don't bet influence all-or-nothing, or with some other strategy, is precisely because influence is not money. Influence can already be all-or-nothing all by itself, if one player never cares that much more than the other. The influence the "losing" bettor retains in the world where he lost is not some kind of direct benefit to him, the way money would be: it functions instead as a reminder of how bad a treatment he was willing to risk in the unlikely world, and that is of course proportional to how unlikely he thought it is.
So I think all this complicated strategizing you envision in influence betting, actually just comes out exactly to Critches results. Its true that there are many situations where this leads to influence bets that don't matter to the outcome, but they also don't hurt. The theorem only says that actions must be describable as following a certain policy, it doesn't exclude that they can be described by other policies as well.
The timescale for improvement is dreadfully long and the day-to-day changes are imperceptible.
This sounded wrong, but I guess is technically true? I had great in-session improvements as I'm warming up the area and getting into it, and the difference between a session where I missed the previous day, and one where I didn't, is absolutely preceptible. Now after that initial boost, it's true that I couldn't tell if the "high point" was improving day to day, but that was never a concern - the above was enough to give me confidence. Plus with your external rotations, was there not perceptible strength improvement week to week?
So I've reread your section on this, and I think I follow that, but its arguing a different claim. In the post, you argue that a trader that correctly identifies a fixed point, but doesn't have enough weight to get it played, might not profit from this knowledge. That I agree with.
But now you're saying that even if you do play the new fixed point, that trader still won't gain?
I'm not really calling this a proof because it's so basic that something else must have gone wrong, but:
has a fixed point at , and doesn't. Then . So if you decide to play , then predicts , which is wrong, and gets punished. By continuity, this is also true in some neighborhood around p. So if you've explored your way close enough, you win.
Then I would expect they are also more objectively similar. In any case that finding is strong evidence against manipulative adversarial examples for humans - your argument is basically "there's just this huge mess of neurons, surely somewhere in there is a way", but if the same adversarial examples work on minds with very different architectures, then that's clearly not why they exist. Instead, they have to be explained by some higher-level cognitive factors shared by ~anyone who gets good at interpreting a wide range of visual data.
Cults use much stronger means than is implied by adversarial examples. For one, they can react to and reinforce your behaviour - is a screen with text promising you things for doing what it wants, with escalating impact and building a track record an adversarial example? No. Its potentially worrying, but not really distinct from generic powerseeking problems. The cult also controls a much larger fraction of your total sensory input over an extended time. Cult members spreading the cult also use tactics that require very little precision - there isn't information transmitted to them on how to do this, beyond simple verbal instructions. Even if there are more precision-needing ways of manipulating individuals, its another thing entirely to manipulate them into repeating those high precision strategies that they couldn't themselves execute correctly on purpose.
I think I am a little bit. I don't think that means what you think it does. Listening-to-action still requires comprehension of the commands, which is much lower bandwidth than vision, and its a structure thats specifically there to be controllable by others, so it's not an indication that we are controllable to others in other bizzare ways. And you are deliberately not being so critical - you haven't, actually, been circumvented, and there isn't really a path to escalating power - just the fact youre willing to oey someone in a specific context. Hypnosis also ends on its own - the brain naturally tends back towards baseline, implanting a mechanism that keeps itself active indefinitely is high-precision.