All of Benquo's Comments + Replies

I built the explanatory model based on my experience employed by and reading about other vaguely analogous institutions, but an acquaintance who'd previously worked at the World Bank said it seemed like an accurate characterization of that institution as well.

The post describes how predation creates a specific gradient favoring better modeling of predator behavior. While fact that most predated species don't develop high intelligence is Bayesian evidence against this explanation, it’s very weak counterevidence because general self-aware intelligence is a very narrow target. More importantly, why would sexual selection specifically target intelligence rather than any other trait?

Looking at peacocks, we can see what appears to be an initial predation-driven selection for looking like they had big intimidating eyes on their backs (similar to butterflies), followed by sexual selection amplifying along roughly that same gradient direction.

4cousin_it
Your theory would predict that we'd be much better at modeling tigers (which hunted us) than at modeling antelopes (which we hunted), but in reality we're about equally bad at modeling either, and much better at modeling other humans.

Contempt of court penalties for noncompliance with an investigative process is a mainstream example of 1.

Burning Man has some aspects of the second, as do some camping trips, or simply living in a relatively harsh climate. Compare measured levels of corruption in southern vs northern Europe, for instance. When modern democracies fight big wars, the first year involves learning which parts of their warfighting institutions are corrupt and incompetent, & repairing or replacing them.

Your proposal is well-structured and interesting but has a fundamental flaw that needs to be addressed. Interest keyword-based filtering will primarily encourage politics-as-identity, which is actively harmful - it directs attention towards zero-sum thinking and performative identities, rather than creative problem solving. As Bryan Caplan demonstrates in The Myth of the Rational Voter, people already tend to vote to express identities and affiliations rather than to achieve better outcomes. We shouldn't build tools that further entrench this destructive p... (read more)

1T431
Upvoted on the basis of clarity, useful / mentoring tone, and the value of the suggestions. Thank you for coming back to this. In a first-pass read, there is not much I would add, save for mentioning that I’d expect (1)-(4) to change from what they are now were they to actually be implemented in some capacity, given the complexities (jurisdictional resources, public desire, participation, etc…). I have the Myth of The Rational Voter on my shelf unread! If I have any sufficiently useful or interesting ideas or comments regarding your remarks, I will add them here.

I agree that even if the book turned out to be entirely accurate we should not assume that this case is representative of the average development project, but we could still learn from it. Many hours from highly trained and well-paid people are allocated to planning and evaluating such projects, which expenditure is ostensibly to ensure quality. Even looking at worst cases helps us see what sort of quality is or is not being ensured.

1Hzn
I don't completely disagree but there is also some danger of being systematically misleading. I think your last 4 bullet points are really quite good & they probably apply to a number of organizations not just the World Bank. I'm inclined to view this as an illustration of organizational failure more than an evaluation of the World Bank. (Assuming of course that the book is accurate). I will say tho that my opinion of development economics is quite low…

Wow, thanks for doing the legwork on this - seems like quite possibly I'm analyzing fiction? Annoying if true.

Google's AI response to my search for the Thaba-Tseka Development Project says:

According to available World Bank documentation, the "Thaba-Tseka development project" is primarily referenced within the context of the "Lesotho Integrated Transport, Trade and Logistics Project," which focuses on improving the road corridor connecting Katse to Thaba-Tseka, aiming to enhance regional connectivity and reduce trade costs at Lesotho's borders with South Af

... (read more)
1Hzn
But even if the Thaba-Tseka Development Project is real & accurately described, what is the justification for focusing on this project in particular? It seems likely that James Ferguson focused on it b/c it was especially inept & hence it's not obviously representative of the World Bank's work in general.

Initially, you argued that societal pressure often reflects genuine wisdom, using examples where a 'society who aggressively shames overconsumption of sweets' might be wiser than a child's raw preferences. You suggested that what I was calling 'intrinsic preferences' might just be 'shallow preferences' that hadn't yet been trained to reflect reality.

Now you're making a different and more sophisticated argument - that the whole framework of 'intrinsic' versus 'external' preferences is problematic because preferences necessarily develop within and respond to... (read more)

Different example - I said "instead"

If you look back, you'll see I was specifically responding to the hypothetical scenario about public admission in that comment. For your points about private shame, you might want to check my other comment replying to you where I addressed how internal shame and self-image maintenance connect to social dynamics.

I notice you're attributing positions to me that I haven't taken and expressing confusion about points I've already addressed in detail. It would be helpful if you could engage more carefully with what I've carefu... (read more)

Except frequently I think people who are ashamed don't expect this.

That’s why I distinguished explicitly between shame and depravity in the OP.

In this example?

Except frequently I think people who are ashamed don't expect this. Imagine that instead of concealing they openly admit and apologize for being only average: then what? Aren't they still ashamed?

-1CstineSublime
Different example - I said "instead" - so if the musician openly admits and apologize for only being average they are ashamed because they are afraid of the reaction of the fan who clearly loved their performance (not their failure to abstain from what they believe is the cause of their average performance?), but if they don't mention it to anyone (therefore are committing neither a dominance nor submission gesture) they are also ashamed? Or are they not ashamed in both circumstances? I'm just saying I'm really confused. Are you telling me there is no conceivable circumstance where any human being feels shame for something which is totally alone, none at all? Because at the risk of assuming I have privileged knowledge of myself - I assure you I've felt shame for things which no one would care about.

I'm thinking of cases like Eliezer's Politics is the Mind-Killer, which makes the relatively narrow claim that politically loaded examples are bad examples for illustrating principles of rationality in the context of learning and teaching those principles, so they should be avoided when a less politicized alternative is available. I think this falsely assumes that it's feasible under current circumstances for some facts to be apolitical in the absence of an active, political defense of the possibility of apolitical speech. But that's a basically reasonable... (read more)

I agree.

When applied to object-level behavior like stealing cookies, this kind of norm internalization is ethically neutral. But when applied to protocols and coordination mechanisms, this becomes part of how shame-based coordination infiltrates and subverts communities doing something more interesting - people who recognize and try to leave bad communities end up recreating those same dysfunctional behaviors in the better communities they seek out.

In my reply to CstineSublime on pecking orders I explored how this works through specific social mechanisms l... (read more)

Admitting and apologizing for being 'only average' often functions as a submission move in dominance hierarchies, i.e. pecking orders.

This move derails attempts to enact more naïve, descriptive-language accountability. When someone has a specific grievance, it corresponds to a claim about the relation between facts and commitments that can be evaluated as true or false. Responding with self-deprecation transforms their concrete complaint into a mere opportunity to either accept or reject the display of submission. This disrupts the sort of language in whic... (read more)

-1CstineSublime
I don't think you understand, in the example I gave they don't think they are 'average' they think their performance was not to the standard they hold themselves, and they believe that this was precipitated by their drinking which they regret. He is talking PAST the person after the show, not to them, almost like a soliloquy. Do you think that every time you've ever felt shame it has always been primarily because of what others may think of you? You have never ever felt a solipsistic shame, a shame even though no one will know, no one will care, it has no negative influence on anyone other than yourself, and the only person you have to answer to is you? Never?

We conceal some facts about ourselves from ourselves to maintain a self-image because such self-images affect how we present ourselves to others and thus what we can be socially entitled to. This is similar to what psychologist Carol Dweck called a "fixed mindset," in contrast with a "growth mindset" where the self-image more explicitly includes the possibility of intentional improvement.

In the singer-songwriter example, creating a good vibe with the audience generally involves projecting confidence. This confidence can connect to an identity as a competen... (read more)

Seems like we've now established that we largely agree on the explicit propositions we've stated all through this thread. Given that, your initial response feels to me like a bit of a non-sequitur.

As I understand it, your response argued against a universal claim that social pressure always inverts genuine preferences, while I had explicitly made the narrower claim that this sometimes happens and is worth watching out for. Does that seem like a fair characterization? If so, can you help me understand why your initial response felt important and relevant to you in context?

2jimmy
No, that does not sound like a fair characterization. My claims are cover a lot more than "it doesn't always happen" and yours sure don't seem limited to "it doesn't never happen". Here's the motivating question for this whole essay: and here's part of  your conclusion You're talking about this as if it needs falsification of preferences to explain and my stance is that no, this is default. Any time people have to face anything as complex as sexuality, even if people are doing their best to pro-socially guide people this is necessarily what's going to happen. Perversions can sneak in too, and I don't deny that they exist, but postulating perversions is absolutely not needed in order to explain the data you're seeking to explain. To narrow things down a bit, we can return to the original comment: I don't disagree with this. It's this second part I was taking issue with. Here, you're talking about what generally happens, not what "sometimes" happens, and I don't think "intrinsic preferences" is defined well enough to do what you want it to do here. I don't think it can be, unless you introduce more concepts, because I don't think "external vs intrinsic" can do justice to this multidimensional space no matter how you cleave it. Part of this is because what counts as "external" cannot be well defined. If daddy yells at me to not drink, that sounds external, and my revealed preferences are likely to revert when he's not looking. But maybe being a reasonable person, upon reflection I'd agree with him. Does that make it "not a preference inversion"? If my boss threatens to fire me if I show up drunk, that sounds external too. But that's not very different than my boss reminding me that he can only afford to hire productive people -- and that's starting to sound like "just reality". Certainly if a doctor tells me that my liver is failing, that sounds like "just reality" and "internal". But it's external to my brain, and maybe if someone offers me an artificial li

Many historical battles have a large component well modeled as a game of chicken, where whichever side's morale breaks first loses. You can get a locally cheap boost to morale if your soldiers have internalized a cultural imperative to seek death in honorable combat, because they'll be less deterrable. There's plenty of credible literary evidence that many soldiers in cultures connected to ours were so acculturated. I am not claiming that it is a human universal, merely that it happens often enough to be an important example of preference inversion.

6Martin Randall
This cleared it up for me. So this isn't really about a preference for "warfighting" or "danger", this is about a preference for death in battle, as in Norse Vikings, Japanese Samurai, and Spartan and Aztec Warriors. This is more clearly analogous to a preference for chastity in terms of direct reproductive success. Preferences for death by martyrdom could be another example.

This seems like a reasonable argument for some premodern fighting. I meant mainly the way of fighting developed in the Napoleonic wars, the American Civil War, and especially WWI. There's a bit in Mein Kampf about how WWI was a major transition in character for Hitler because he switched from fearing danger to intending to move towards danger. Worth reading carefully. The sort of fatalistic stories where people with foreknowledge of their doom keep moving towards it in old warrior-culture texts like the Eddas also seem relevant here. These very much do not seem like human universals; for instance, by my reading it's an attitude entirely foreign to the perspective of the Bible, both the Hebrew Bible and the New Testament.

4Martin Randall
I don't understand your perspective. Many forms of warfighting required soldiers to move towards danger. Your basic Roman infantry charge is running towards people who want to stab you. Some video games can be seen as a safe super-stimulus for warfighting and require moving towards danger. If an innate preference for warfighting stopped being reproductively fit in the 1800s that won't have a large genetic effect by the 2000s. The bible is large and includes both pro-war and anti-war passages. I agree that a preference for warfighting is not universal, but innate preferences need not be universal. Some are attracted to men, some are attracted to women, some both, some neither; this does not mean that sexual attraction is not an innate preference. The naive evo-psych perspective implies that warfighting is more often an innate preference for young males, and not for women, very young children, and elders. Innate preferences can be deactivated or inverted by reality, as in the turn against warfighting in post-WW1 Europe, or post-Vietnam USA. Or they can be activated.

Sometimes people really don't know any better. Other times they're playing dumb because of a guilty conscience. Nearly everyone is motivated not to acknowledge the when someone's playing dumb, because they share the aforementioned guilty conscience, so many cases of playing dumb are commonly misattributed to really not knowing better.

In cases where I had a strong preexisting relationship with people, they've sometimes admitted, after initially claiming not to be able to understand me when I asked them to do something differently (with my child or otherwise... (read more)

2jimmy
Agreed in full 

You don't think an exceptional magnitude of recognition for doing useful things is evidence for exceptional capacity and willingness to make that capacity useful to others? Why not?

2Yair Halberstadt
The facts are many billionaires choose to either use their money for private consumption or waste it on pointless charities. That doesn't in any way imply that their having this money in unfair - they've earned it, and taking it away would make the world worse by discouraging excellence. It does however imply we should encourage them to pursue better uses for their money.

The assumption that value simply multiplies without reference to underlying mechanisms treats money as magical. While this description often matches observed behavior, I think this apparent match requires explanation. Some people become very wealthy precisely by finding or creating exceptions to this pattern.

I try to decompose apparently irreducible trends into physical configurations and social agents' decisions. When apparent magic persists, I look for the magician - someone intentionally working to make the magic appear true.

Sometimes people are directl... (read more)

0lemonhope
I believe I did explain/decompose the underlying mechanism I could also have mentioned that it's relatively easy for two people to make three. If someone prints money for themselves, they'll devalue their currency, but they won't be making factories less productive. Intel makes more stuff than they use, no technical progress required. I should've said "a dollar's worth of stuff can produce 1.03 dollar's worth of stuff". That would have been more clear.

Fair point about localized heterogeneity. But simply having different optimal interventions in different places doesn't itself justify splitting resources across them. That would require either:

  1. Steeply diminishing returns up to the relevant margin for each intervention (making diversification optimal), or
  2. Having more resources than we can deploy in all plausibly effective interventions.

Either claim would be surprising and worth investigating explicitly. I intended this piece as a call for such investigation.

Moreover, if we take your example - productive wea... (read more)

You raise an important distinction I should engage with more directly. Just as there's a difference between teaching 'sugar is evil and eating it makes you bad' versus teaching healthy eating habits, there's clearly a difference between social pressure that helps people learn from others' accumulated wisdom (like warning children about drug addiction) versus pressure that creates persistent dysfunction (like sexual shame that continues in marriage)."

Looking at outcomes could help distinguish these:

  • Does the pressure help people better achieve their other go
... (read more)
2jimmy
I agree that there is a meaningful difference, but I disagree that they're so cleanly separable that we can say that it is one or the other. I don't teach my kid that sugar is evil and I give her the chance to learn how much sugar she wants for herself. I try to minimize coercion because it impairs learning, and I want my kid to actually integrate the information so that she can make coherent rather than fractured decisions.  At the same time, I want to protect her from things that are beyond her capability to handle and learn from. We don't want our children to grow up with sexual shame that continues into marriage, but if the kindergarten teacher starts teaching kids about how great sex is and offering to show them, then do you take a stance of "well, I don't want my five year old to think sex is bad..." or do you say "Absolutely not."? Information sharing and force are both useful tools, and while it's better to lean on the former as much as possible it is important to be able to fall back on the latter. People just don't have a good idea of how to do the former (and are kinda 'sinful' themselves) so they over-rely on the latter. Using force (including social shame) is a symmetric weapon so it is more easily (even unintentionally) corrupted into serving less pure motivations, but it also serves pure motivations when necessary. The question of "Does the pressure help people better achieve their other goals, or create persistent internal conflicts?" is important, but messy. Which people? Which pressure? If I know two people who grew up in Christian households, and one of them grew up in a strict household, married a virgin and is happy and without sexual shame, and another grew up in a less strict household and had premarital sex but felt bad about it, then how do we judge Christianities "anti sex" norms here? I'd say we can notice which are more effective at bringing about good outcomes, and which have more pure intent and are heavier on the information to

Actually, I don't think anti-candy messaging originates as a good-faith attempt to teach dietary wisdom; instead, it exemplifies preference inversion through moralized restriction. Rather than providing actionable information about metabolic effects, it constructs an idea of candy as a moral temptation, creating the very compulsive relationship to sweets it claims to prevent.

Take sugar. The standard message is "sugar is bad, candy will rot your teeth and make you fat." But instead of preventing candy consumption, this attitude turns candy into forbidden fr... (read more)

4jimmy
You're arguing that attempts to decrease candy consumption are coercive rather than informative, and are in ways counterproductive. I agree with this. You take this to mean it's not a "good faith attempt", but as a general rule people don't know how to do any better than this.  It's true that people can appeal to "sinfully delicious" to sell you their dessert, but why don't broccoli salesmen do the same? Why not toothbrush salesmen? If "Sinful" means "good", actually, and it originates with salesmen, then why isn't everything "sinful"? The answer is that it didn't originate with salesmen. Dessert salesmen are leaning on the preexisting "Anything that feels this good must be a sin", so the question is where that came from. One obvious explanation is that things that feel that good tend to be pursued a lot, and there are contexts in which those pursuits are less desirable than it may seem. Even you notice that he will ask for sweets for the wrong reasons and that you don't always expect him to learn efficiently from experience. That's where the pressure to coerce your kid into eating less sweets comes from. You're smarter and wiser than most, and so you're able to teach your kid these things more effectively and with transmission of neuroses, and that's great.  I try at that as well, and have noticed some of the same things (though not all; I'll have to play with the 'appetizer' bit). I'm not arguing that the things you're pointing at don't exist, just pointing at the fact that people don't know how to do any better. We can flip the sign on this and look at how people handle teaching their kids about getting their shots at the doctor. People want their kids to be okay with it because it's an "anti-sin" in that it in reality it is better than it feels. That's why they try to tell kids "It's okay! It just feels like a little pinch!" And these attempts are equally counterproductive, because as a general rule people don't know how to avoid teaching their own neurose

If you start with the conclusion that sex is great, and anti-premarital sex campaigns are really just anti-you-procreating campaigns and therefore oppressive and bad, then sure. I don't think that's a fair assumption across the board (e.g. Amish as an existence proof of "something more"), but it certainly doesn't work for all preferences and it's generally not so clear.

Religions that regulate sexuality comprise a heterogeneous category. I wouldn't describe Amish regulation of sex as a case of preference inversion; the Amish try to make sure people con... (read more)

I agree these mechanisms can coexist. But to test and improve our models and ultimately make better decisions, we need specific hypotheses about how they interact.

The OP was limited in scope because it's trying to explain why more detailed analyses like the ones I offer in The Debtors' Revolt or Calvinism as a Theory of Recovered High-Trust Agency are decision-relevant. Overall my impression is that while the situation is complex, it's frequently explicable as an interaction between a relatively small and enumerable number of "types of guy" (e.g. debtor vs... (read more)

I think of power as distinct from wealth, though both are often signaled through privileged access to scarce resources. Someone standing next to, or even physically possessing, a big hunk of gold, is not necessarily understood to be rich; Scrooge McDuck does not have the same relationship to the gold coins he comes into contact with as a museum curator handling a gold artifact, a gold miner actively extracting gold, or a security guard transporting gold. We think someone's rich when they own a lot of scarce resources, i.e. have some recognized right to it ... (read more)

Thanks for the recommendation, I’ll check out that book. I was aware secondhand of the expression “preference falsification” and its meaning - related to what Bryan Caplan calls “social desirability bias.”

By coining the term “preference inversion” I’m trying to call attention to an important special case of preference falsification, where the fact that a preference has been inverted (and corresponding construction of a hypocritical or ‘bad’ majority) is part of the core mechanism, rather than an accidental cost. This is why Jessica’s idea of antinormativity is relevant; a certain sort of preference falsification has the primary function of creating a guilty conscience, rather than compelling object-level prosocial behavior.

When one preference is expressed only because its holders are extracting resources from people or mindparts with the opposite preference, that seems to me to justify assigning the self-sustaining one priority of some kind.

This doesn’t seem to engage with the content of the post at all, or with my multiple corrections to your implausible misunderstandings, so I think this is a motivated pattern of misunderstanding and I’m done with your comments on this post.

"As calculated prior" is not quite correct, "reflectively stable absent coercive pressure" is a better formulation.

OK, so we've got something like a factual disagreement. Here are some observations that would change my mind substantially:

Credible testimony from someone who'd previously been documented claiming that their variant of Christianity had inculcated in them an anti-sex attitude, that they'd been lying to normalize their non-culturally-conditioned aversion to sex.

An exposé demonstrating that many such prominently documented testimonies were fake and did not correspond to actual people making those claims.

Examples of the sort of thing I mean:

... (read more)
7dr_s
I don't know about the Bible itself, but there's a long and storied tradition of self mortification and denial of corporeity in general in medieval Christian doctrine and mysticism. If we want to be cute we could call that fandom, but after a couple thousand years of it it ends up being as important as the canon text itself.
5cousin_it
For every person saying "religion gave me a hangup about sex" there will be another who says "religion led to me marrying younger" or "religion led me to have more kids in marriage". The right question is whether religion leads to more anti-reproduction attitude on average, but I can't see how that can be true when religious people have higher fertility.
3[comment deleted]

Consider two different contexts in which one might negotiate tradeoffs around work. When discussing work-life balance, you can openly weigh tradeoffs between career and personal time. But when asked 'Why do you want to work at MegaCorp?' in an interview, acknowledging you're trading anything for a paycheck marks you as deviantly uncommitted. The system requires both pretense of pure dedication and practical compromises, while making that pattern itself unspeakable.

My post was about how this dynamic creates internalized preference inversion - where people b... (read more)

2Dagon
Thanks for the discussion.  I think I understand what you're pointing at, but I don't model it as an inverted preference hierarchy, or even a distinct type of preference.  Human preferences are very complicated graphs of long- and short-term intents, both rational, reflective goals and ... illegible desires.  These desires are intertwined and correlated, and change weights (and even composition) over time - sometimes intentionally, often environmentally.   Calling it an "inversion" implies that one set is more correct or desirable than another, AND that the correct one is subverted.  I disagree with both of these things philosophically and generally, though there are specific cases where I agree for myself, and for most in the current environment.  My intuitions are specific and contextual for those cases, not generalizable.

Successful religions don't suppress reproduction in practice. But many do maintain an explicit approval hierarchy that ranks celibacy and sexual restraint above typical sexual behavior, sometimes expressing overt disgust with sexuality. This creates a gradient of social rewards that aids group cohesion, but requires most people to be "imperfect" by design. An important failure mode is that some conscientious people try to fully internalize the explicit values, ending up with clinical symptoms of sexual aversion that persist even when officially sanctioned (e.g. in marriage).

5cousin_it
I think we just disagree here. The Bible doesn't say married people shouldn't have sex, and no prominent Christians say that either. There are norms against nonmarital sex, and there are norms against priests having sex, but between these things you draw a connection and generalization to all people which doesn't sound right to me.

I don't think I made those claims. I did say that clerics are often supposed to be celibate, and warriors are generally supposed to move towards danger, in a single sentence, so I see how those claims might have been confused.

The general pattern I'm pointing out is that some scarce resources, or the approval which is a social proxy for such resources, are allocated preferentially to people who adopt an otherwise perverse preference. These systems are only sustainable with large amounts of hypocrisy, where people are on the whole "bad" rather than "good" ac... (read more)

0cousin_it
Yeah, I missed a big part of your point on that. But another part maybe I didn’t? Your post started out talking about norms against nonmarital sex. Then you jump from that to saying they’re norms against reproduction - which doesn't sound right, religious people reproduce fine. And then you say (unless I'm missing something) that they're based on hypocrisy, enabling other people to not follow these norms, which also doesn't sound right.

Sometimes people profess or try to reveal a preference for X, as a response to coercive pressures that are specifically motivated by prior underlying preferences for anti-X. This is what I'm calling preference inversion. My intuition is that generally, upon reflection, people would prefer to satisfy their and others' preferences as calculated prior to such influences. I don't know whether there are other sorts of analogous distorting factors nearly all reasonable people would not like to satisfy upon reflection, but in general, I'm using the term "intrinsic preferences" to refer to whatever's left over after all such generally appealing adjustments.

I don't think it's so simple at all.

If you start with the conclusion that sex is great, and anti-premarital sex campaigns are really just anti-you-procreating campaigns and therefore oppressive and bad, then sure. I don't think that's a fair assumption across the board (e.g. Amish as an existence proof of "something more"), but it certainly doesn't work for all preferences and it's generally not so clear.

Let's look at preference for eating lots of sweets, for example. Society tries to teach us not to eat too much sweets because it's unhealthy, and from the... (read more)

4Dagon
Hmm.  By "coercion", you include societal and individual judgements, not just actual direct threats.  It's still hard for me to separate (and even harder for me to privilege) "innate" preferences, over "holistic" preferences which acknowledge that there is a real advantage to existing smoothly in the current society, and include the contradictory sub-desires of thriving in a society, getting along well with allies, having fewer enemies, etc. and for the biological urges for (super)stimuli. 

Expanded this reply here: https://benjaminrosshoffman.com/the-drama-of-the-hegelian-dialectic/

X and Y are cooperating to contain people who object-level care about A and B, and recruit them into the dialectic drama. X is getting A wrong on purpose, and Y is getting B wrong on purpose, as a loyalty test. Trying to join the big visible org doing something about A leads to accepting escalating conditioning to develop the blind spot around B, and vice versa.

X and Y use the conflict as a pretext to expropriate resources from the relatively uncommitted. For instance, one way to interpret political polarization in the US is as a scam for the benefit of pe... (read more)

Expanded this reply here: https://benjaminrosshoffman.com/the-drama-of-the-hegelian-dialectic/

I can’t tell quite what you think you’re saying because “worse” and “morality” are such overloaded terms that the context doesn’t disambiguate well.

Seems to me like people calling it “evil” or “awful” are taking an adversarial frame where good vs evil is roughly orthogonal to strong vs weak, and classifying the crime as an impressive evil-aligned act that increases the prestige of evil, while people calling it disgusting are taking a mental-health frame where the crime is disordered behavior that doesn’t help the criminal. Which one is a more helpful or tr... (read more)

2tailcalled
I think "awful" in its modern meaning is also compatible with a mental health frame. (But maybe I'm wrong because I'm ESL.) The distinction I see is that the person who thinks it's awful might have in mind that assisting the criminal with fixing their life would stop them from doing further crimes, while the person who thinks it's disgusting is first and foremost focused on avoiding the criminal.

Possessing a home also imposes costs on everyone else - it costs scarce materials and labor to build, equip, and electrify/warm/cool/water a home, and it uses up scarce space in a way that excludes others. It’s not obvious that a homeless person who works & is taxed, and is thus contributing to collective capacity to build and maintain the amenities they take advantage of, is a free rider; you’d need to actually do the math to demonstrate that.

4Jiro
Society is set up to function under the assumption that most people have homes and are imposing those "costs". It is not set up to function under the assumption that a lot of people are homeless and use public restrooms, sleep in public places, etc. Those things can only exist because they are used by a small number of people under a rare set of circumstances. You can describe homes as using "scarce space" but there's enough "scarce" space that most people can have homes and use some of it. The public restrooms in existence couldn't handle a situation where even 10% of the population was homeless, never mind most of the population.

Reality is sufficiently high-dimensional and heterogeneous that if it doesn’t seem like there’s a meaningful “explore/investigate” option with unbounded potential upside, you’re applying a VERY lossy dimensional reduction to your perception.

There’s a common fear response, as though disapproval = death or exile, not a mild diminution in opportunities for advancement. Fear is the body’s stereotyped configuration optimized to prevent or mitigate imminent bodily damage. Most such social threats do not correspond to a danger that is either imminent or severe, but are instead more like moves in a dance that trigger the same interpretive response.

8Ben Pace
Re-reading my comment, the thing that jumps to mind is that "I currently know of no alternative path to success". When I am given the option between "Go all in on this path being a fair path to success" and "I know of no path to success and will just have to give up working my way along any particular path, and am instead basically on the path to being a failure", I find it quite painful to accept the latter, and find it easier on the margin to self-deceive about how much reason I have to think the first path works. I think a few times in my life (e.g. trying to get into the most prestigious UK university, trying to be a successful student once I got in) I could think of no other path in life I could take than the one I was betting on. This made me quite desperate to believe that the current one was working out okay. I think "fear' is an accurate description from my reaction to thinking about the alternative (of failure). Freezing up, not being able to act.

It's true that people who ask for "collaborative truth-seeking" are lying, but false that no one does it. Some things someone might do to try to collaborate on seeking the truth instead of pushing a thesis are:

  • Active listening (e.g. trying to restate someone's claims and arguments in one's own words, especially where they seem most unclear or surprising.)
  • Extending interpretive labor to try to infer the cause of a disagreement.
  • Offering various considerations for how to think about a question instead of pushing a party line - and clarifying the underlying mo
... (read more)
2Zack_M_Davis
I think this is a class of situation where people prefer obfuscation: the preference is not for you to assume that the subject is harmless, but to take actions that merely imply that the subject might not be harmless without explicitly spelling out the "subject is harmful" disjunct, such that the message slips past a System 1 scapegoating circuit while System 2 can piece together what it needs to know. Implying something without stating it isn't the same thing as pretending the opposite.

Wouldn’t that imply more upside than downside in staying over?

Huh, I notice I casually used male pronouns here when I previously wasn’t especially inclined to. I guess this happened because I dropped politeness constraints to free up working memory for modeling the causal structure of the problem.

If this had been a lower-latency conversation with the implied greater capacity to make it awkward to ignore a legitimate question, my first reply would have been something like, “well, did you actually assault them? Seems like an important bit of information when assessing whether they made a mistake.” And instead of the mo... (read more)

Examples of info she might have had:

  • She was hoping to have sex with Sinclair, so theit sexual advances would not have been unwelcome.
  • Harassment from acquaintances of her social class is more common than stranger assault but much less likely to be severely bad - acquaintance assault is socially constrained and thin-tailed, stranger assault is deviant and fat-tailed - which is not adequately captured by the statistics.
  • She’s not the sort of person who can be easily traumatized by, or would have a hard time rejecting, unwanted advances.
  • Sinclair is in fact
... (read more)
7Benquo
Huh, I notice I casually used male pronouns here when I previously wasn’t especially inclined to. I guess this happened because I dropped politeness constraints to free up working memory for modeling the causal structure of the problem. If this had been a lower-latency conversation with the implied greater capacity to make it awkward to ignore a legitimate question, my first reply would have been something like, “well, did you actually assault them? Seems like an important bit of information when assessing whether they made a mistake.” And instead of the most recent comment I’d have asked, “You identify as a woman. Do you think you are being naïve, or devaluing your sexualness or cleverness or agency? If so, why? If not, why?”

Yes. It seems like RobertM is trying to appeal to some idea about fair play, by saying that people shouldn’t make even disjunctive hypothetical accusations because they wouldn’t like it if someone did that to them. But it seems relevant to evaluating that fairness claim that some accusations are discernibly more justified than others, and in this case RobertM seems not to have been able to think of any plausible crimes to disjunctively accuse me of. I am perplexed as to how “true accusations are better than false ones and you can discover by thinking and i... (read more)

I read Robert as accusing you of attempting a rhetorical trick in which, by making a disjunctive accusation where one of the disjuncts is shocking[1] and grave, you algorithmically intend to intimidate people into accepting the other disjunct, which they would be less likely to do if you argued for it on its own merits rather than pairing it with the shocking disjunct. I don't think you would be getting this pushback if you had said, "Maybe she's a good judge of character; after all, every time she judges a man to be safe and is correct, that's some amount... (read more)

Which unspecified but grossly immoral act did the plain text of my comment seem like it implied a confession of?

2habryka
"Committing assault"?

They imply irrationality via failure to investigate a confusion, so I thought it was within scope on a rationality improvement forum to point that out. Since there exists an alternative coherent construal I thought it was good practice to acknowledge that as well.

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