The claim that zoning restrictions are not a taking also goes against the expert consensus among economists about the massive costs that zoning imposes on landowners.
I would like to know more about how the law views opportunity costs. For most things, such as liability, it seems to only accept costs in the normal sense of literally had to pay out of pocket X amount; for other things like worker's comp it is a defined calculation of lost future gains, but only from pre-existing arrangements like the job a person already had. It feels like the only time I see opportunity costs is lumped in with other intangibles like pain and suffering.
On 75 percent or more of the residential land in most major American cities it is illegal to build anything other than a detached single-family home. 95.8 percent of total residential land area in California is zoned as single-family-only, which is 30 percent of all land in the state. Restrictive zoning regulations such as these probably lower GDP per capita in the US by 8-36%. That’s potentially tens of thousands of dollars per person.
Map of land use in San Jose, California. Pink is single family only (94%)
The legal authority behind all of these zoning rules derives from a 1926 Supreme Court decision in Village of Euclid v. Ambler Realty Co. Ambler realty held 68 acres of land in the town of Euclid, Ohio. The town, wanting to avoid influence, immigration, and industry from nearby Cleveland, passed a restrictive zoning ordinance which prevented Ambler realty from building anything but single family homes on much of their land, though they weren’t attempting to build anything at the time of the case.
Ambler realty and their lawyer (a prominent Georgist!) argued that since this zoning ordinance severely restricted the possible uses for their property and its value, forcing the ordinance upon them without compensation was unconstitutional.
The constitutionality claims in this case are about the 14th and 5th amendment. The 5th amendment to the United States Constitution states, among other things, that “private property [shall not] be taken for public use, without just compensation.” The part of the 14th amendment relevant to this case just applies the 5th to state and local governments.
There are two lines of argument in the case. First is whether the restrictions imposed by Euclid’s zoning ordinance constitute “taking” private property at all. If they are taking, then the 5th amendment would apply, e.g when the govt takes land via eminent domain, they need to compensate property owners. However, even government interventions that do take don’t always have to offer compensation. If the government, say, requires you to have an external staircase for fire egress, they don’t have to compensate you because it protects “health, safety, and welfare” which is a “police powers” carveout from the takings clause of the 5th amendment. The other line of argument in the case is that zoning ordinances, while they do take from property owners, do not require compensation because they are part of this police power.
Police Power
Let’s start with that second question: whether zoning laws count as protecting health and safety through the police power or are takings that require compensation. A common rhetorical technique is to reach for the most extreme case of zoning: a coal powered steel foundry wants to open up right next to the pre-school, for example. Conceding that this hypothetical is a legitimate use of the police power does not decide the case, however, because Euclid’s zoning ordinance goes much further than separating noxious industry from schoolyards.
The height and area districts set maximum height limits and minimum lot sizes within each of these land use districts.
The health and safety argument which justifies separating the industrial activities in U-6 from all the rest does not apply to separating all of the uses enumerated in U-1 through U-5 nor do they justify requiring buildings to be under 35 feet and on 5000 square foot lots. Cities around the country and around the world mix land uses, building heights, and lot sizes with no ill effects on health or safety. Indeed, mixed use cities may have improve health and safety by reducing driving and putting empty lots to use which reduces crime.
Judge Westenhaver, the district court judge who found Euclid’s zoning ordinance unconstitutional before being overturned by the supreme court, agrees in his ruling that health and safety are not the main motivations for Euclid’s zoning laws:
The specter of extreme racial segregation in addition to this class segregation also looms large behind the motivations and uses for these zoning ordinances. None of these goals are legitimate uses of the police power. Neighborhood character is not health and safety.
The extent of the “police power” exemption to the 5th amendment is one of the most ambiguous, important, and frequently debated issues in US court precedent. Despite the broad spectrum of cases that rule on the police power, it is difficult to find another which supports Euclid v Ambler’s extraordinarily loose interpretation of “health, safety, and welfare.”
Mine collapse and flooding are far clearer risks to health, safety, and welfare than an apartment building or a corner deli, but the court ruled that regulations preventing these risks still constitute takings and that these takings are not exempted from the 5th amendment by police power. Therefore, regulating the far less dangerous construction of residential and commercial real estate must also be a taking that requires compensation.
Even the cases that find takings exempt by the police power don’t support the authority of local governments to enforce massive restrictions on what owners can do with their property just to undesirables out of their neighborhood.
Demolishing buildings to stop fires and keeping industrial slaughterhouses on the outskirts of the city are justified uses of police power. Demolishing buildings because they’re a few floors too high for your taste is not. The zoning rules that make multi-family housing illegal in 98% of all residential land in California are clearly not justified by the police power.
Taking
Since the argument from public safety is too weak to justify the breadth and specificity of Euclid’s zoning ordinance, the lawyers arguing the case also brought a second line of argument: that zoning restrictions aren’t takings at all. The basic argument being that because zoning doesn’t take the title of anyone’s land and doesn’t reduce the size of anyone’s holding, it’s not a taking. Judge Westenhaver again:
This goes against centuries of precedent on the meaning of property in the 5th amendment.
The claim that zoning restrictions are not a taking also goes against the expert consensus among economists about the massive costs that zoning imposes on landowners.
Zoning ordinances which restrict the land uses available to landowners are takings just as much as eminent domain is. When used to separate truly noxious land uses from everyday life, these takings are exempted from the requirement for compensation by the police power. Most zoning laws go far beyond this, though, and attempt to separate ordinary and inoffensive land uses at an extraordinary degree of granularity. Retail shops and multi-family housing are not noxious to everyday life. Thus, this shallow motivation for zoning is not exempted by the police power.
Euclid v Ambler should be overturned or severely limited such that it’s application to single family zoning is no longer legal. Loosening the “uncontrolled will” that persnickety local government officials have over a large majority of the residential land in the United States would raise economic growth, lower inequality, and improve the decision record of the Supreme Court.