There’s a common perception that various non-deep-learning ML paradigms - like logic, probability, causality, etc - are very interpretable, whereas neural nets aren’t. I claim this is wrong.

It’s easy to see where the idea comes from. Look at the sort of models in, say, Judea Pearl’s work. Like this:

 

It says that either the sprinkler or the rain could cause a wet sidewalk, season is upstream of both of those (e.g. more rain in spring, more sprinkler use in summer), and sidewalk slipperiness is caused by wetness. The Pearl-style framework lets us do all sorts of probabilistic and causal reasoning on this system, and it all lines up quite neatly with our intuitions. It looks very interpretable.

The problem, I claim, is that a whole bunch of work is being done by the labels. “Season”, “sprinkler”, “rain”, etc. The math does not depend on those labels at all. If we code an ML system to use this sort of model, its behavior will also not depend on the labels at all. They’re just suggestively-named LISP tokens. We could use the exact same math/code to model some entirely different system, like my sleep quality being caused by room temperature and exercise, with both of those downstream of season, and my productivity the next day downstream of sleep.

 

We could just replace all the labels with random strings, and the model would have the same content:

 

Now it looks a lot less interpretable.

Perhaps that seems like an unfair criticism? Like, the causal model is doing some nontrivial work, but connecting the labels to real-world objects just isn’t the problem it solves?

… I think that’s true, actually. But connecting the internal symbols/quantities/data structures of a model to external stuff is (I claim) exactly what interpretability is all about.

Think about interpretability for deep learning systems. A prototypical example for what successful interpretability might look like is e.g. we find a neuron which robustly lights up specifically in response to trees. It’s a tree-detector! That’s highly interpretable: we know what that neuron “means”, what it corresponds to in the world. (Of course in practice single neurons are probably not the thing to look at, and also the word “robustly” is doing a lot of subtle work, but those points are not really relevant to this post.)

The corresponding problem for a logic/probability/causality-based model would be: take a variable or node, and figure out what thing in the world it corresponds to, ignoring the not-actually-functionally-relevant label. Take the whole system, remove the labels, and try to rederive their meanings.

… which sounds basically-identical to the corresponding problem for deep learning systems.

We are no more able to solve that problem for logic/probability/causality systems than we are for deep learning systems. We can have a node in our model labeled “tree”, but we are no more (or less) able to check that it actually robustly represents trees than we are for a given neuron in a neural network. Similarly, if we find that it does represent trees and we want to understand how/why the tree-representation works, all those labels are a distraction.

One could argue that we’re lucky deep learning is winning the capabilities race. At least this way it’s obvious that our systems are uninterpretable, that we have no idea what’s going on inside the black box, rather than our brains seeing the decorative natural-language name “sprinkler” on a variable/node and then thinking that we know what the variable/node means. Instead, we just have unlabeled nodes - an accurate representation of our actual knowledge of the node’s “meaning”.

New Comment


25 comments, sorted by Click to highlight new comments since:

Insufficiently tested, not ready to be placed in production. Test in a sandbox (city, or a small state) first.

Do you have strong reasons for why the age limits are not +/- 10 years from the values given or are they meant more as ballpark figures?

The intent is obviously to avoid the gerontocracy of today, but I'm curious why you chose those specific numbers.

IQ tends to decline pretty dramatically after age fifty, and AFAICT the most competent people in academia/industry seem to be between 25 and 50. So I want people in office to be below the age of fifty.

This reminds me that I should raise the age limit at-appointment for chief executive to 45, to be more consistent, since they only have a four year term.

Ok, I'm bumping the age limit 10y after a conversation with a friend. They make the point that people in private industry and academia might reasonably tend to want to finish their careers and then move on to senatorship, which makes sense to me. I'm generally against gatekeeping government positions to career government officials.

This seems rather valuable. People between the age of 40-60 are generally the most productive people in industry, specifically because they are typically in managerial roles that are somewhat analogous to roles in governing, and that seems to me to be the sweet spot for age you want for government leaders: enough experience that they have some wisdom to draw on, but not so old they are in cognitive decline or totally out of tough with the needs of younger generations.

Do you actually want "the most competent" people in the senate though? At least in my mind a government delegates optimization problems to the civil service and the elected officials are more like "alignment". So them being too old could result in issues relating to older people having priorities that are not quite lined up with the overall population, but similar issues could equally arise from them being disproportionately rich/poor male/female minority ethnic. Ideally the senators are setting targets and checking that the civil service is pursuing these goals without simultaneously doing bad things.

With a 60⁄100 senator majority, The Senate can declare war. [3]

^3: Defensive wars will probably receive a high vote no matter what. And America seems to have made an oopsie when it comes to 2⁄4 of its last offensive wars, which should merit the caution. I’d raise the bar higher but then you run the risk of The Senate figuring out a way to declare war without declaring war.

It's important to note that none of the US wars since World War 2 have involved a formal declaration of war. Korea was a "police action", endorsed by a UN resolution. Vietnam was justified by the Gulf Of Tonkin resolution. The Gulf War was, like Korea, endorsed by the United Nations, as were the interventions in Bosnia and Kosovo. Afghanistan was justified by the Authorization for the Use of Military Force, another joint resolution. The 2003 Iraq War was justified by the Authorization for the Use of Military Force Against Iraq.

The Gulf of Tonkin Resolution passed the House of Representatives with a 416-0 vote, and the Senate with a 88-2 vote. The Authorization for the Use of Military Force passed the House of Representatives with a 420-1 vote and the Senate with a 98-0 vote. The Authorization for the Use of Military Force In Iraq, by far the most controversial of the three, passed the House of Representatives with 296-1 vote and the Senate with a 77-23 vote.

I don't think your proposal meaningfully limits the US's willingness or ability to engage in offensive war.

Didn't know any of that lol. I'll remove the portion.

Quick mod to note that I frontpaged this since the frontpage vs personal is mostly about timeless vs non-timeless content, and while much political content is not timeless (of interest years later) and therefore usually placed on personal blog, this does seem like it would be of interest years into the future.

Why don't you just call the chief executive prime minister? That's the usual term for a head of the executive that's elected by a parliament. 

Chief executive is more descriptive of the chief executive's actual duties.

How does it differ from the powers that prime ministers usually have?

It's the same class of powers, it's just that chief executive is a better and less ambiguous name for the CEO of law than "prime minister", which out of context could mean anything - what do those ministers do? Also, in the United States we call our ministers cabinet secretaries, not ministers, so it wouldn't make sense to call the chief executive the prime minister.

One would expect a Prime Minister to be Prime over Ministers. I don't see the need to rename everything Ministry of This or That, so Prime Minister doesn't really seem appropriate.

There is no vice president. [16]

  1. Useless.

So what's your plan when a madman shoots the President? What happens when the President dies in the middle of a world war?

Presumably similar to what happens today if the Pres and VP are both removed at the same time.  Speaker of the House, pres pro-tem of the Senate, Secretary of State, and so on.  

I might tweak it a bit, though, and have the Pres and at least some of the cabinet be declared on the ballot - instead of VP, include Sec of State, Treasury, and Defense on the ballot.  If we want to keep "president appoints their successor" functionality, move sec of state above speaker of the house.

Very silly question. The line of succession would just be different. We have an entire line of succession past the vice president today.

I'd go way more limited:

  • No elected person may hold another elected position in any branch of government for at least one year and one day after the last day of their current term, even if they do not complete their term.

  • No branch of government may have direct control over the parameters or structure of elections or appointments for any position within the branch. This includes districting, type of voting system, timing, and election rules. If elections are for all branches, an independent party must be responsible for elections.

  • All elected and appointed officials must make full financial and tax records public for a period of no less than five years, prior to declaring candidacy for a position; if records are not made public, the candidate cannot be placed on a ballot and cannot be accepted as a write-in candidate. If elected or appointed, they must continue to make records available for a period of at least five years after the last day of their elected term, even if they do not complete their term.

  • "First past the post" election systems are disallowed for any and all government elections.

I'd like to add something about isolating inspectors general and making them more powerful, but I haven't really stumbled across anything I feel good about in that area.

The basic idea is instead of reworking all the things, let's fix some of the most basic transparency and election aspects of our representative system. The above would be much less invasive than the OP, some of them might actually be implementable, and they would have very wide ranging effects that IMO are a lot easier to reason about.

Two parts of this that I really like:

  1. Maximum age limits, for obvious reasons compared to today. I'd suggest minimum age limits like the ones we have today as well (no younger than 30ish for Senate, 40ish for President, etc.)
  2. Easier to repeal a law than pass one. I think this is really powerful and under-discussed. So far as I am aware, our current system treats passing laws and repealing them equally.

Particularly 2. Laws that prove to be bad should be easy to get rid of. In general we want to err towards less government, so design the system such that less government is easier to achieve than more government.

What this lacks:

  1. Any real discussion of the federal bureaucracy and how it's managed - is this completely up to the Senate? The President?
  2. What powers are reserved to the states? What role do states play in the federal government (e.g. a constitutional amendment can come from 3/4 of the states currently, I think).

What I would add:

  1. Mandatory 50-year sunset clause on all laws that are not constitutional amendments, with an option for the senate to renew a law with the same majority that passed it.
  2. Permanent yearly IRS audit of legislators/executives/judges until they die; if it's proven they benefited financially from their positions for ~20 years after they leave, they go straight to federal prison.

Mandatory 50-year sunset clause on all laws that are not constitutional amendments, with an option for the senate to renew a law with the same majority that passed it.

This might increases bureaucracy by creating must-pass laws where it's easier to add new provisions.

Permanent yearly IRS audit of legislators/executives/judges until they die; if it's proven they benefited financially from their positions for ~20 years after they leave, they go straight to federal prison.

What do you expect those people to do after they leave their job? If someone spends a decade in their job, in most cases you can argue that they financially benefit in the next job they take from that decade.

If your idea is basically that many politicians have to take minimum wage jobs after their government careers, that is going to reduce the quality of the people in office substantially. 

This might increases bureaucracy by creating must-pass laws where it's easier to add new provisions.

Perhaps. Without any kind of expiration date, though, laws will pile up like rotten code until the whole thing becomes unmanageable.

What do you expect those people to do after they leave their job? If someone spends a decade in their job, in most cases you can argue that they financially benefit in the next job they take from that decade.

I think there's plenty of room between "used political power for personal financial benefit" and "learned things on the job that carry over to the next job". I'll admit there is plenty of subtlety here, which is why a full audit should be done - I wouldn't trust any cursory scrutiny to be correct, either to the former politician's benefit or to their loss.

I do also somewhat think that if, for instance, someone serves on a Committee that deals with e.g. Oil and Gas, they should probably not be allowed to work in that industry afterwards. There's too much opportunity for politicians to favor industries or companies in exchange for jobs/careers/cushy benefits after the politician leaves office.

Why can't jurors vote for themselves if there is no maximum limit to the number of vote?

I'm interested in knowing your opinion on one of my ideas:

Instead of selecting 16 000 people at random and give them a vote. Select 16 000 people at random and give them a vote that can be passed up to 3 times to another person the former finds more competent/smart/informed.

I can totally imagine competent and smart people being sad of being selected at random while having not enough time to handle it (what if you just had a baby? etc) and would much prefer one of their trusted acquaintance do that.

The expected consequence would be that instead of having 16 000 people selected you'd have 16 000 people selected as competent by their close peers.

Also to reduce the possibility of threatening someone to pass their vote, the random phase would have to be secret (your abusive partner wouldn't know you got selected).

Senators must wear body cameras and be accompanied by a cleared FBI agent whenever they are outside their homes. The footage from body cameras gets encrypted locally and sent to an offsite location where it can be reviewed with a warrant by federal police during criminal investigations.

 

Not sure I understand the goal of this. Is this to deter crimes committed by senators and executives, or following the principle that people in power should be held to a higher standard while conducting themselves in public?

The Judicial Branch seems exempt from this rule, is this intentional? 

Is this to deter crimes committed by senators and executives, or following the principle that people in power should be held to a higher standard while conducting themselves in public?

The goal is to prevent corruption and criminal activity in general by very highly placed government officials, the same goal of police body cameras. The footage isn't streamed live to the public.

The Judicial Branch seems exempt from this rule, is this intentional?

No.