I am unsure about the point of this post (maybe this series in its entirety). While I usually skim most of your posts and read sections I am interested in, I have not read a single section here. What do you aim to achieve with this series?
In case its mainly for your own benefit (to organize your thoughts / mark down important info), could you add a disclaimer or a TLDR with the main information for others?
Legalize housing. It is both a good slogan and also a good idea.
The struggle is real, ongoing and ever-present. Do not sleep on it. The Housing Theory of Everything applies broadly, even to the issue of AI. If we built enough housing that life vastly improved and people could envision a positive future, they would be far more inclined to think well about AI.
In Brief
What will AI do to housing? If we consider what the author here calls a ‘reasonably optimistic’ scenario and what I’d call a ‘maximally disappointingly useless’ scenario, all AI does is replace some amount of some forms of labor. Given current AI capabilities, it won’t replace construction, so some other sectors get cheaper, making housing relatively more expensive. Housing costs rise, the crisis gets more acute.
Chris Arnade says we live in a high-regulation low-trust society in America, and this is why our cities have squalor and cannot have nice things. I do not buy it. I think America remains a high-trust society in the central sense. We trust individuals, and we are right to do so. We do not trust our government to be competent, and are right not to do so, but the problem there is not the lack of trust.
Reading the details of Arnade’s complaints pointed to the Housing Theory of Everything and general government regulatory issues. Why are so many of the things not nice, or not there at all? Homelessness, which is caused by lack of housing. The other half, that we spend tons of money for public works that are terrible, is because such government functions are broken. So none of this is terribly complicated.
Matt Yglesias makes the case against subsidizing home ownership. Among other things, it creates NIMBYs that oppose building housing, it results in inefficient allocation of the housing stock, it encourages people to invest in a highly concentrated way we otherwise notice is highly unwise and so on. He does not give proper attention to the positives, particularly the ability to invest in and customize a place of one’s own, and does not address the ‘community buy-in’ argument except to notice that one main impact of that, going NIMBY, is an active negative. Also he does not mention that the subsidies involved increase inequality, and the whole thing makes everyone who needs to rent much worse off. I agree that our subsidies for homeownership are highly inefficient and dumb. A neutral approach would be best.
Zoning does not only ruin housing. Taylor Swift’s Eras Tour skipped New Zealand because there were not sufficient resource consent permits available to let her perform at Eden Park. They only get six concerts a year, you see.
A short video making the basic and obviously correct case that we should focus on creating dense walkable areas in major cities. There is huge demand for this, supplying it makes people vastly more productive and happier, it is better for the planet, it is a pure win all around.
Legalize Housing
Wait, is that, yeah, I think it is, well I’ll be. Let’s go.
Exactly. We do not need specific ‘affordable housing.’ What we need is to build more housing where people want to live and let supply and demand do the work. So, Senator Warren, what do you propose we do to make that happen?
The actual proposal seems to be modest, allowing small accessory dwellings. Which is a great proposal on the margin, happy to support ADUs, but not where the real action could be.
Otherwise, prices are completely out of hand.
Matthew Yglesias looks at attempts being made in Maryland. On principle we have a robust attack on local control. In practice, the ‘affordability’ requirements that attach mean it likely won’t result in much housing. I agree with Matthew that we want the opposite, to maximize housing built for a given amount of local control disrupted. Even if your goal is to maximize only the number of specifically affordable units built, you still want to ease the burden on projects to the point where the project happens – as he notes, if you ask for 25% of units to be loss leaders, you likely get no building without a huge subsidy, if you ask for 5% you might get them.
Same thing with ‘impact fees’ and other barriers. If they are not doing any work other than throwing up a barrier, get rid of them. If they are doing good work (e.g. raising revenue) then you want to set the price at a level where you still get action.
Is this the new phrasing?
It also makes sense that one can start with the basics, like pointing out that duplexes are illegal in most places, rather than starting with a high rise. Many don’t know. Others of course know all too well, but duplex construction has broad popular support.
Detroit may be going Georgist. Faced with so much unused land, they propose lowering the property tax from 2% to 0.6%, while raising the tax on the underlying land to 11.8%. Never go full Georgist, one might say, so will this be full or more-than-full Georgist? A per-year tax of 11.8% of value is quite a lot. Presumably the way the math works is that the value of the land gets reduced by the cost of future taxes, which should mean it decline by more than half, while the additional value of built property goes up as it is now taxed less than before. It seems good to turn over the land quickly, so perhaps charging this much, well past the revenue-maximization point, isn’t crazy?
If you let people build minimum viable homes to house those who would not otherwise have anywhere to live, outright homelessness is rare. Mississippi is poor but has very little homeless. NYC had close to zero homeless in 1964. We could choose to cheaply provide lots of tiny but highly livable housing, which would solve a large portion (although not all) of our homeless problem, and also provide a leg up for others who need a place to sleep but not much else and would greatly benefit from the cost reduction. Alas.
Rebecca Tiffany here attempts to frame building more housing as the ultimate progressive cause. Which it is, due to the housing theory of everything.
All true, the question is does such rhetoric convince anyone?
Scott Sumner emphasizes how much more destructively regulated so much of our lives has gotten since 1973, and that this is likely a central cause of the productivity slowdown (‘great stagnation’) that followed.
One specific note is that 1973 is when we prohibited manufactured homes from being transported on a chassis and then placed on a foundation, killing the industry, as detailed in this (gated) post by Matthew Yglesias:
He highlights that there is a new bill in Congress to repeal this and other deadly restrictions. We would still have to deal with various zoning and building code rules as well if we wanted true scale and for manufacturing to be able to cross state lines, but this would be an excellent start.
Longer term, Balsa will hopefully be exploring and pushing these and other Federal housing opportunities as its second agenda item. Standardizing building codes seems like excellent low-hanging fruit. Standardizing zoning would be even better.
This will of course lead to some highly silly situations, in which the right thing to do is build house A, tear it down to build B, then tear that down to build C, and so on. Presumably you want some sort of minimum pause in between. I do like that this gives an additional incentive to move up at the first opportunity. Also a lot of very temporary housing is going to get built, but my guess is that is a minor cost, and hey it creates jobs.
How much do government regulations raise the cost of new homes? In many cases, infinitely, because they make the home illegal to build at all. Even when that is not true, the cost remains high:
Regulatory Barriers
Misinformation Guru Balding offers us a thread explaining how much American government, and especially liberal American government, acts as a barrier to ever building anything, from buildings to clean energy projects.
A paper by Alex Tabarrok, Vaidehi Tandel and Sahil Gandhi, Building Networks, finds unsurprisingly that when there is a change in local government it temporarily slows down development in Mumbai, India. Delayed approvals explain 23% of the change. Part of this is the obvious bribery and corruption ties that need to be renewed. The harmless explanation is that you were planning on building whatever the current government approved of building, and now that has changed, and also the change in government interrupts all the work done towards approvals and some of it needs to get redone.
Study offers new measure of regulatory barriers and their impacts.
This makes sense. Permitting lots of supply is not effective without the demand. If you have the demand, what matters is what can be supplied, which this measures.
Future Construction Expectations
Multifamily housing will come online in large quantities soon, which is great. However it looks to have been a zero interest rate phenomenon. Which is presumably why do we look so unable to keep this up afterwards?
There is still plenty of eagerness to build housing in the places people want to live, if it were further legalized. But with only marginal opportunities available, and the need to account for long delays and additional costs, the higher interest rates are going to sting.
Rents
Could they be getting reasonable again?
Inflation-adjusted is the watchword, but so I presume is composition, and this chart is easy to find but highly misleading.
I went searching some more, and here’s NerdWallet:
That seems far more sane, comparing the same metro area to itself over time.
That pattern makes a lot more sense.
Different Designs
Which is the better approach?
My guess is that America got this one essentially right, and China got it wrong, although neither country did it for the right reasons. The Chinese advantage in light and views is nice.
But I think Shear’s note is very important here.
I don’t have the lived experience with it, but if you have a ton of green space and a few large towers, then a lot of people are effectively farther away from street level, and with so limited a supply of ground floors you are not going to get interesting areas with lots of opportunity. Our approach is also cheaper. The American mistake seems better than the Chinese mistake.
There are rapidly diminishing marginal returns to green space. I am very happy to have a small park very close to us to walk around. It would indeed be really cool to be right by a larger one, especially something as well-designed and expansive as Central Park. But once you have a very close playground and tiny walkable green area, and one reachable large park, additional public green space seems of relatively little value, mostly serving to create more distance.
My guess is a synthesis is best. New York actually does a version of this very well, except our density is not high enough. You want enough parks and green space so everyone has some available. You want the majority of the space to be taken up by relatively small buildings that are 6 or 12 (or eventually 24?) stories, often but not always with storefronts. And then you want a bunch of taller buildings as well.
Landmarks
It makes sense to have a non-zero number of buildings designated as landmarks. I would however choose zero landmarks and take our chances (and allow those who care to buy the buildings in question, including the city, if they disagree) if the alternative is the current regime, this is ridiculous:
History
John Burn-Murdoch shows us how historically expensive housing in the UK is getting.
Note that the scales in the first two graphs are distinct.
Public Opinion
From a New York survey that was primarily about everyone disliking AI and supporting AI regulation, we got these two questions at the end:
Democrats were split on whether affordable housing developments should be forced to offer lots of parking spaces, Republicans largely understood that this requirement is dumb.
I am curious to see this question asked for general housing projects. I can see this changing the answer both ways. Presumably the original logic was ‘in order to be virtuous and affordable these projects need to offer less parking’ but the standard Democratic position could turn out to be the opposite, ‘you will not cheat the poor people out of a parking space, but if rich people don’t want one I don’t care.’
Both groups strongly agreed that speeding up construction and giving local governments deadlines are good ideas. This is a great idea and also a greatly popular idea, so it should be a relatively easy sell.
NIMBY Sightings
Alex comments on the last post, not bad but Patrick is still champion for now:
A wild NIMBY appears! It’s not very effective.
Houses as Savings
Paper says that access to joint savings vehicles such as houses is a strong predictor of marriage rates. Variation in housing prices is shown to increase home ownership and encourage greater specialization.
[thread continues]
The thesis is that marriage rates are declining because marriage no longer represents an assurance of physical security, so it does not enable specialization for having and raising children. Such a strategy can no longer be relied upon without a large bank of marital assets, people realize that, so they don’t see opportunity in getting married, the contract is not useful.
I would be careful about attributing too much to this particular mechanism. I do buy the more general argument, that marriage is declining because the contract no longer makes financial sense if it cannot be relied upon. Failure in the form of divorce can be devastating to both parties – the high earner can be put into virtual slavery indefinitely, the low earner left without means of support. Without true commitment the whole thing is bad design.
Union Dues
A straightforwardly correct argument that labor should strongly favor building more housing. If we don’t build more housing, then all the gains from moving to high productivity areas, all the higher wages you fight for, will get captured by landlords.
Instead, unions typically hold up housing bills if the bills don’t extract enough surplus and direct it to unions. If a bill allows more housing to be built, and thus there to be more construction jobs, while not requiring those jobs to be union or pay above-market price for labor, they will prefer that housing not be built, those job not exist and their housing costs remain high. Similarly, unions have opposed streamlining CEQA in California, because CEQA presented a leverage opportunity they could use in negotiations.
The good news is that in California some unions are coming around, as the above Vox article chronicles. As we’ve discussed a bit previously, it has been a struggle to get them to begrudgingly agree to things such as a rule that, if ‘prevailing wages’ are paid and workers treated well, and not enough officially ‘skilled and trained’ workers are available, other workers could also be hired.
The problem is that the incentives for unions are beyond terrible. They are there to protect the exact existing jobs of the exact existing members, and help them extract as much as possible. Offering to grow the union, and create more good union jobs? They might actively oppose you.
They don’t want to allow more jobs, because if those jobs are union they might later be lost or existing members threatened, and if they are not union then they’re not union.
How much does the ‘prevailing wage’ requirement cost? No one knows for sure.
The snappy answer is that if the ‘prevailing wage’ was indeed the prevailing wage, paying it is what you would do anyway. Which tells us this means something else, and a 10%-20% total increase in costs implies it is quite a bit higher indeed, and you don’t get much in the way of higher quality in return.
That still seems highly affordable given how things are going these days, if it alone lets you build. The problem is that if others also come for large shares of the pie, for too many others, it can add up fast.
Landlords
New York Times cites what they say is a trend of landlords boasting about being horrible to tenants. Alex Tabarrok noes that one of their examples of dirty deeds is this landlord who evicted a tenant and will be confiscating their security deposit, because the tenant literally took a sledgehammer to the place.
Construction
If we are spending that money well this is fantastic, and note that the bottom of the chart is indeed the zero point. Are we spending the money well? In the places and for the things we want, and efficiently?
Rent
Airbnb offers us a housing council, convening various government officials and experts, to ensure that their offerings ‘make communities stronger.’ As far as I can tell, this is them supporting a few unrelated generic good-vibes housing-adjacent things.
Who are You?
Good Money After Bad
White House proposes $10 billion in ‘down payment assistance’ for first-time homebuyers. So I guess we are tapping the sign, then?
Commercial Real Estate
Austin keeps building gorgeous new office buildings, often giant skyscrapers, despite little demand by anyone for new offices to work in, and few tenants lined up. People worry about a bust, older less cool office space is losing value.
I would not worry. Austin’s real estate prices have gone through the roof in the last few years. Yes, they are running ‘Field of Dreams’ here, but that should be fine. If the price comes down a bit? Good. High rents are not a benefit. High rents are a cost. I do not much care if some real estate developers lose money. If it turns out Austin ends up with too much commercial space versus not enough residential space to support it, the solution is to build more residential space.
Tyler Cowen calls for NIMBY for commercial real estate, predicts strong gains from resulting mixed use neighborhoods. As he points out, if commercial real estate was cheaper and more plentiful, and I would add more convenient, more people would use it rather than working from home. He is more gung-ho on this than I am, seeing in-person interactions as more valuable than one’s freedom to not have those interactions, but certainly the option would be appreciated.
When I think about Tyler’s example of adding a bunch of commercial towers to the Upper East and Upper West Sides of Manhattan, that does not seem obviously good to me. I think it would be good to have a bunch of commercial midrange stuff there, but that going pure vertical (e.g. 30+ stories) in those areas would be a tactical error, destroying vibes people value. Central Park makes it difficult to pull off well. As usual (see discussions of congestion pricing), Tyler Cowen does much not care if inhabitants of Manhattan are happy.
San Francisco
It is on. San Francisco refuses to build, and the state of California is having none of it.
[thread continues]
Annie Fryman: Surprise! By next summer, most housing developments (including market-rate) in SF get streamlined, objective approvals through a last minute update to @Scott_Wiener’s SB 35 — now known as SB 423. No CEQA, discretionary review, appeals… my piece.
Sam D’Amico: SB 423 is now law … SF NIMBYs are now (specifically) de-powered.
Who will win the fight?
Benjamin Schneider says that the old San Francisco regime has come to an end, and looks at its potential futures. He attempts to be even-handed as possible, which is difficult under the circumstances, emphasizing with concerns about ‘displacement’ and gentrification. So we get things like this:
Overall, he is optimistic that the new regime is a vast improvement.
Claim from a Berkeley newspaper that Berkeley is recovering unusually well thanks largely to a boom in housing construction, also with its relative dependance on UC Berkeley rather than offices, with downtown doubling in population and expected to double once more within five years.
Meanwhile in Palo Alto, new builder’s remedy project aims to build 3x taller, 7x denser than city zoning code allowed, with a 17 story tower. Comments complain about there not being enough parking, because everything is maximally cliche.
New York City
Mayor Eric Adams is trying for a lot of the right things, the usual list of incremental improvements.
Alas, those central planning instincts never go away. A council member effectively vetoes and ends a Crown Heights project that would have given the local community everything it asked for, while building on a vacant lot, because the Adams administration plans to do a ‘larger rezoning’ and they should wait for that. Wait, what? Under the new plan, the building would be permitted, so why not allow it now?
The key is not to build housing. It is to let people build housing.
Two sides of a coin.
I agree that the incentive is worthwhile, but this looks a lot less like ‘there was a real decline in housing construction’ and more like ‘everyone moved their actions in time to quality for a major expiring tax break.’ The question is what happens after 2026, once all that construction finishes.
New York City offers pilot program, paying homeowners up to $395k to build ADUs. This is of course insane. If you want more housing, legalize housing. There’s no shortage of demand if people were allowed to build it.
From 2021 ICYMI: Did you know that if you offer tax breaks for ‘low-income’ housing, but purchases still require large down payments, you are effectively subsidizing the children of the rich who borrow the money from their parents? Bloomberg investigated the related program in NYC, and that’s exactly what is happening.
Top ten skyscrapers of 2023, three of them are from NYC.
Austin
Getting rid of parking minimums seems pretty great.
Other cities are also getting rid of off-street parking minimums, including San Jose, Gainesville and Anchorage. New York City is exploring it too, in the place where a parking requirement makes absolutely no sense.
Austin also tried letting developers build taller in exchange for more affordable housing. It turns out that they technically violated Texas state law and ‘the interests and legal rights of Austin homeowners’ according to the villainous Judge Jessica Mangrum.
A notification problem, you say? Annoying, but ultimately no problem. Let’s put everyone on proper notice.
Except it seems they tried that, and shenanigans?
Allan McMurtry is, of course, lying. He wants Austin to continue to technically fail to follow the convoluted notification rules so that he can keep suing to block development.
Still, there is lots of good progress:
Kentucky House Bill 102
Kentucky House Bill 102 attempts to do it all. What a list:
Tokyo
Tokyo keeps growing and allows lots of freedom to build while keeping prices low. Tyler Cowen proposes that instead those low prices in Tokyo are instead due to the NIBMY culture that is Japan. If you have no immigration and in general can’t do anything all that productive, but allow instead only low-value construction, you perhaps get low housing prices. The ‘true YIMBY’ would instead increase prices, because it would provide more value, and Japan remains poor relative to us instead. I see the point, but also consider this redefinition (reframing? reconstruction?) too clever by about half.
Vancouver
Excellent progress being made.
Minneapolis
That is not a small effect. Minneapolis has seen a dramatic drop in rents. For the five cities chosen, the more construction, the better the change in rents, although I presume they are somewhat cherry picked for that.
Presumably this involved a lot of good luck. The impact should not be this big from only ~25 new units per 1,000 people, although tipping points are possible. One could look at the timing and propose this has something to do with the riots of 2020, as well, although even excluding that drop we still have a big improvement.
As usual, we have the effect size dilemma.
Minneapolis is still one of a small group of pro-housing cities, successfully built more housing, and saw its rents drop dramatically.
Minnesota in general is looking to supersede residential zoning rules across the state.
Texas
They are building lots of housing, and it turns out that brings down the price, who knew.
Yes. It is that easy. Let’s do it.
Florida
It looks like Ron DeSantis is a fan of legalizing housing at the state level, continuing his major push.
[and other things]
…
SB 328 would “enhance” the existing law, Calatayud said, and further address “quality of life issues” for Florida residents.
If passed, the bill would:
— Prohibit local governments from restricting a development’s floor area ratio (the measure of a structure’s floor area compared to the size of the parcel it’s built upon) below 150% of the highest allowed under current zoning.
— Enable local governments to restrict the height of a proposed development to three stories or 150% of the height of an adjacent structure, whichever is taller, if the project is abutted on two or more sides by existing buildings.
— Clarifies that the Live Local Act’s allowances and preemptions do not apply to proposed developments within a quarter-mile of a military installation or in certain areas near airports.
— Requires each county to maintain on its website a list of its policy procedures and expectations for administrative approval of Live Local Act-eligible projects.
— Requires a county to reduce parking requirements by at least 20% for proposed developments located within a half-mile of a transportation hub and 600 feet of other available parking. A county must eliminate all parking requirements for proposed mixed-use residential developments within areas it recognizes as transit-oriented.
— Clarifies that only the units set aside for workforce and affordable housing in a qualifying development must be rentals.
— Requires 10 units rather than 70 to be set aside for affordable and workforce housing in Florida Keys developments seeking the “missing middle” tax exemption.
— Makes an additional on-time earmark of $100 million for the Hometown Heroes Program.
Cities Build Housing, Rents Decline
Turns out there are many such cases.
Oakland presumably also has other unique factors, like issues with rising legalized crime and the previous stratospheric level of rent in the Bay area.
Los Angeles
If you want to build 100% affordable housing at zero cost to taxpayers, Los Angeles potentially shows you the way with this one weird trick.
The weird trick is that you offer, in exchange for the housing being 100% affordable, to otherwise get out of the way.
As in, you use Executive Directive 1, with a 60-day shot clock on approvals, based only on a set of basic criteria, no impact studies or community meetings or anything like that, you pay prevailing wages as in what people will agree to work for instead of “prevailing wages,” and are allowed to use the 100% affordable rule to greatly exceed local zoning laws.
And presto, 16,150 units applied for since December 2022, more than the total in 2020-2022 combined, with 75% having no subsidies at all. Or rather, the subsidies took forms other than money. That makes them a lot cheaper.
One catch is that ‘affordable’ here means cheaper than market, but not that cheap.
It is a very good bet. There is tons of pent-up demand for bare bones apartments, because we don’t let people build bare bones apartments. With a modest discount many will be all over it.
Note that none of these projects have actually been built yet. As you would expect, lawsuits are pending. So we should not celebrate yet. There are also lawsuits over the city’s attempt to walk back approvals for a handful of projects in single-family areas, where the order has now unfotunately been walked back.
Argentina
If nothing else, this one reform clearly worked. Previous regulations prevented evictions, effectively letting tenants steal the apartment they rented, so land owners were keeping properties off the market. The premium being charged was large.
Other Places Do Things
Alexandria, Virginia ends single-family-only zoning.
Rent Control
Washington State considering bill to cap rent hikes at 7% annually. When a tenant leaves, the new rent could still be raised more. Any form of rent control is a deeply destructive idea, but this is a lot less damaging than most, as vacant apartments reset and 7% should be sufficient over time. If this was indexed to inflation to guard against that failure mode (e.g. set at 7% of CPI+4% whichever is larger) and was clearly going to stick at that level then I would actually be largely fine with it as a compromise in the places in danger of implementing rent control more harshly, especially if this then allows for building more housing, purely to head off more destructive versions. There is a big difference between 7% and New York City’s historical much smaller allowed increments.
I do think that landlords will sometimes seek to ‘hold up’ the current tenant and extract the benefits of not having to move, and that this can be destructive. I don’t think this is important enough to risk installing such a regime, that goes very dangerous places, but the real danger is when you cannot keep pace over time, and 7% should mostly solve that.
Jay Parsons covers the trend of implementing such laws, or rather covers the coverage. Major outlets like The New York Times cover such efforts, and almost never point out that economists universally agree such laws are terrible, crippling supply and increasing overall prices.
This is, as he points out, like covering climate change denialists and not pointing out that scientists agree that climate change is real. It is that level of established as true. You should treat rent control supporters the way you treat climate change denialists.
Traffic and Transit
In a highly amusing synthesis of housing and transit policy issues, Matt Yglesias proposes YIMBY for cars. Building more houses makes traffic worse, but the way it does that is that people buy and use cars, so what if we put up huge barriers to cars instead of putting up huge barriers to housing? Congestion pricing talk so far is a good start, but what if we really dropped the hammer.
The stated goal is to have the high speed rail line working at 200 miles per hour between Los Angeles and Las Vegas in time for the 2028 Olympics. The train should be faster than driving, but analysis suggests from many places in LA it will still be slower than flying. Flying has high fixed costs due to security and timing issues, but the hour it will take to reach the train station from downtown LA is a problem.
The hope is that once you have one line, getting more lines becomes far more attractive and feels more real. It is very American to start its high speed rail with a line that gives up on getting the right to go to actual central LA and then connects it to Vegas. I suppose one must start somewhere.
Ben Southwood points out that when people say that additional roads or lanes induce demand, mostly this is not the case. Instead, what is happening is that demand to drive often greatly exceeds supply of roads. Expanding the road creates a lot of value by allowing more driving, but due to the way the curves slope speed of travel changes little. That does not mean demand rose or was induced. Over longer periods of time, yes, this then creates expectations and plans for driving.
Which is indeed the correct way to think about Scott Alexander’s argument that increasing density through more building would increase prices. Perhaps it is true, but if true that is because it enhances value even more, which means we should totally do that. Emmett has various old threads on this. Various causation stories still need to be considered and reconciled, since density follows from desirability to a large extent.
How big a tax would you pay, as a real estate developer, to get up-zoning? Seattle ran that experiment, results say that they charged far too high a price. I find the paper’s term ‘strings attached’ a strange way of describing extortion of money (or mandatory ‘affordable housing’), but in the end I guess it counts.
Note that they greatly underestimated the cost of providing this ‘affordable’ housing:
A simple and obvious solution is to auction off the up-zoning rights. As in, for each neighborhood, decide to allow construction of some fixed number of additional buildings, within new broader limits. Then for each building, auction off the permit to the highest bidder, and then pretend (reminder: money is fungible) to use that money to support affordable housing, or distribute the profits to local residents in some way, or something similar. And of course, if the local residents want to prevent construction so badly, they can buy the permit and not use it.
Beyond Speed: Five Key Lessons Learned From High-Speed Rail Projects.
A lot of generic ‘do all the good management things’ and ‘get buy-in from actual everyone.’ Most projects would never happen if they required such standards, but at least they are things one could reasonably aspire to. And then there’s that fourth one…
No. Stop. Seriously. If we cannot do mass transit projects without ensuring they are net benefits on every possible environmental axis, if we cannot compromise at all? If every decision must be made to maximize superficial local greenness if you want a rail line? Then there will be no rail lines. If the planet is about to burn, act like it.
Somehow our infrastructure costs are going up even more, and quite a lot?
Your periodic reminder that we have to go back.
What is funny is that society today is worthy of much higher trust than society in 1985, except for the part where people would call the cops because the five year old was alone. But, if people did not do that and otherwise acted the way they do today, the world would be a vastly safer, more welcoming place, also you can carry around a cell phone.
If we wanted to, we could indeed go back to 1985 airport security. Also 1985 norms about what kids can do on their own. It would be fine.
Hayden Clarkin: Really expensive transit is almost as good as having no transit at all:
The Lighter Side
Well, yes.
Yes, well.